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                <text>This report is part of a series of publications on the Basic Income Grant in Namibia. It reflects the results of the Pilot Project in Otjivero-Omitara in particular. This one year report attempts to give an overview over the new findings, and possible lessons for national implementation of a BIG in Namibia.</text>
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                <text>In January 2008, a Basic Income Grant (BIG) pilot project began in the Otjivero-Omitara area 100 kilometres east of Windhoek. All residents below the age of 60 years receive a Basic Income Grant of N$100 per person per month, without any conditions being attached. The grant is being given to every person registered as living there in July 2007, whatever their social and economic status. This BIG pilot project is designed and implemented by the Namibian Basic Income Grant Coalition (established in 2004) and is the first universal cash-transfer pilot project in the world. The BIG Coalition thereby aims to practically pilot the Namibian Government's NAMTAX recommendation of a BIG for Namibia. Thus the BIG Coalition regards this project as the first step towards a BIG for all. The BIG Coalition consists of four big umbrella bodies in Namibia, namely, Council of Churches (CCN), the Namibian Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW), the Namibian NGO Forum (NANGOF) and the Namibian Network of AIDS Service Organisations (NANASO). Funds to start the pilot project were raised through voluntary contributions from supporters of the idea from all sections of Namibia's society, and by support from people, churches, organisations and donors in other countries. The BIG pilot project will run for a period of 24 months up to December 2009. The effects of the BIG pilot project are being evaluated on an ongoing basis. Four complementary methods are being used. First, a baseline survey was conducted in November 2007. Second, a panel survey is being conducted every six months, the first being in July 2008. Third, information is being gathered from key informants in the area. Fourth, a series of detailed case studies of individuals living in Otjivero-Omitara is being carried out. This is the report comparing the results of the baseline study and panel data after the first six months of implementation.</text>
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                <text>Introduction&#13;
Hubert René Schillinger&#13;
&#13;
Keynote address: the policy dimensions of trade in the SADC region&#13;
Ben Turok&#13;
&#13;
Open versus developmental integration – what options for SADC?&#13;
Rok Ajulu&#13;
&#13;
Will SADC create a free trade area by 2008 and a customs union by 2010?&#13;
Christopher Mulaudzi&#13;
&#13;
The contribution of development finance institutions to SADC integration&#13;
Stuart Kufeni&#13;
&#13;
The effectiveness of institutional restructuring in SADC&#13;
Jonathan Mayuyuka Kaunda&#13;
&#13;
The Titanic is sinking! Progress with security co-operation in Southern Africa&#13;
Anthoni van Nieuwkerk&#13;
&#13;
The Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan: problems and prospects&#13;
Garth le Pere and Elling Tjønneland&#13;
&#13;
Economic integration in SADC and the economic partnership agreement negotiations&#13;
Stella Mushiri&#13;
&#13;
Proceedings of the Fourth Southern African Forum on Trade (SAFT), held in Pretoria, South Africa, on 3–4 September 2007</text>
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                <text>Proceedings of the Fifth Southern African Forum On Trade (SAFT) held in Pretoria, South Africa, on 6–7 August 2008.&#13;
&#13;
Implementation challenges for the SADC FTA: tariff and non-tariff barriers&#13;
Evengelista Mudzonga&#13;
&#13;
Preferential Rules of Origin in SADC: a general overview, and the state of play in recent negotiations&#13;
Eckart Naumann&#13;
&#13;
Regional infrastructural and trade facilitation challenges in Eastern and Southern Africa: aid for trade solutions (North–South Corridor)&#13;
Mark Pearson&#13;
&#13;
Deeper regional integration: trade in services in SADC&#13;
Nkululeko Khumalo&#13;
&#13;
The impact of the SADC EPAs on regional integration&#13;
Christopher Stevens&#13;
&#13;
Looking East: disaggregating the role of China and India in SADC?&#13;
Sanusha Naidu&#13;
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SADC and the challenge of customs union status in 2010&#13;
Paul Kalenga</text>
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                  <text>&lt;span&gt;The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is the oldest of Germany’s ‘political foundations‘ and committed to the basic values of social democracy and the labour movement. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;As a private, non-profit educational institution, ‘think tank’ and platform for political dialogue, its mission is to promote democracy, development, social justice and peace through capacity-building, policy research, public dialogue and international exchange.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;FES carries out its international activities through a network of currently about 100 offices world-wide, in combination with its headquarters in &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fes.de/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Berlin and Bonn/Germany&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt;and in close co-operation with its local and international partners. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fesnam.org/contact.html"&gt;The FES office in Namibia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; was established in 1989 on the eve of the Namibian independence. At present it is staffed with one expatriate and six local full-time employees. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Before 1989, i.e. during South African apartheid rule in the then South West Africa, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung had already supported in various ways those that struggled against white minority rule and for an independent and democratic Namibia. The establishment of an office was then just a logical step - based on requests by our political partners and motivated by the desire to firstly, support the transition to a non-racial multiparty-democracy and secondly, contribute to the transformation of the Namibian society into a prosperous and just society of equal rights, equal opportunities and a decent living for all.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The items in this collection are taken from open access publication on the LaRRI website. All rights are theirs. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>This book had its genesis in two observations: that democratisation has been the major political trend in Southern Africa since the end of apartheid and the termination of the Cold War (albeit an uneven democratisation that in some cases has even been reversed); and, that like many regions or subregions, Southern Africa has embarked on a major project of multinational co-operation, including in the security field. These observations led to two questions, which is what this book is all about. The first was essentially about the relationship (if any) between the dynamics of democratisation and democratic practices (or lack of them) and national security perceptions and practices in Southern African states. The second was whether this has had any effect on approaches to the regional security project. We leave it to the reader to judge whether we have answered these questions, but a summary of the findings is attempted in the conclusion.</text>
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                <text>Since independence SWAPO Party has gone through a transition and transformation process, from a liberation movement to a political party. It is committed to the principle of a multi-party democracy and therefore to multi-partyism as enshrined in the Constitution. SWAPO Party is presently opposed in Parliament by some small, mostly ethnic based political parties. The most important one is presently the Congress of Democrats (COD) which was supported by 7.27% of the electorate during the 2004 National Assembly elections. COD is the only opposition party that can claim limited support throughout Namibia. In general, it can be said that due to a weak opposition there is no political counterweight of any relevance in Namibia. All political parties represented in the National Assembly take ideologically spoken a middle position in the political spectrum. Party political programmes of those parties represented in the National Assembly do not differ fundamentally from those of the SWAPO Party on most issues. The opposition parties are divided among themselves and from time to time split up into smaller groups.</text>
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                <text>The TIPEEG results thus far do not provide reason for too much optimism and the programme is unlikely to reach the targeted 104 000 new (although mostly temporary) jobs. What then are possible options to create thousands of permanent, sustainable and decent jobs in Namibia in the coming years? Paper presented at a parliamentary forum hosted by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Windhoek on 6 March 2013</text>
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                <text>Namibia’s experiences with Ramatex to date point to the urgent need to ensure (at the very least) compliance by foreign investors with Namibian laws, regulations, workers’ rights, as well as environmental, health and safety standards. Experiences elsewhere have shown that compromises on social, environmental and labour standards in the name of international competitiveness have led to a ‘race to the bottom’. The Namibian government as well as trade unions will have to demonstrate that they are serious in defending these rights that were only won through long and bitter struggles. It will be crucial to demonstrate to Ramatex that Namibian laws, regulations and rights are not negotiable. Otherwise, Ramatex will set an example for others to follow, resulting in the loss of some achievements made by Namibian workers since independence. in: Herbert Jauch / Rudolf Traub-Merz (Eds.) - The Future of the Textile and Clothing Industry in Sub-Saharan Africa (Bonn: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2006)</text>
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                <text>Apart from presenting some interesting country case studies, these were the questions we tried to answer at the FES conference organised in February 2011 in Windhoek. Participants included representatives of governments and civil society from eight Southern African countries. In addition, various regional organisations dealing with social and economic issues participated as well. The case studies and new approaches were evaluated, focussing on their suitability for Southern Africa. The discussions brought up various fundamental questions about inequality, redistribution and social protection in Africa. Hence, this booklet is not a conference report but rather takes the deliberations as a starting point for general considerations and information on the topic. We hope to provide some thought-provoking ideas on redistribution, social protection and structural changes in Southern Africa and trust that this booklet will stimulate discussions on possible socio-economic and political changes in the region.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="3570">
                <text>http://www.fesnam.org/pdf/2011/publications/SocialJustice.pdf</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="758">
        <name>Basic Income Grant</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="1244">
        <name>Herbert Jauch</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="121">
        <name>Human Rights</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="285">
        <name>Labor</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="124">
        <name>Law</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="1327">
        <name>Otjivero</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="1247">
        <name>Phanuel Kaapama</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="719">
        <name>Poverty</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="1331">
        <name>Unemployment</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
