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                  <text>Basler Afrika Bibliographien (BAB) is a centre of documentation and expertise on Namibia and southern Africa, located in Basel, Switzerland. The institution comprises an archive, a specialist library and a publishing house, in addition to offering scholarly, cultural and socio-political events.&#13;
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                <text>This paper is concerned with the emergence and making of a criminal case in Kaoko between 1929 and 19357 and its bearing on the development of colonial native administration in the territory. I first heard of the ‘elephant case’ in interviews I did with residents of Kaoko Otavi and nearby villages in 2001/2002. The elephant shooting and the alleged murder of Petrus Kakuyu had not been an issue in my research in the beginning, but had been actively raised by some of the men I interviewed, as an instance of significant political conflict. Only after recording their accounts, I went to the National Archives in Windhoek to look for archival information on the case and was immediately captured by the amount of documentation the South African administration had produced in the course of their inquiry. What was particular, both with contemporary oral information and with the archival sources, was a strong ambivalence and contradiction, the fragmented and inconsistent nature of knowledge about what had happened and who had been involved in the case. As a matter of fact, the administration’s search for evidence remained unsuccessful and neither the remains of the elephant nor Petrus Kakuyu were ever found. Nevertheless, there was a case, a huge number of witnesses were interrogated and people were prosecuted, charged and sent to prison. Beyond this, the ‘elephant case’ and its aftermath remained an issue of vivid debate among residents of Kaoko Otavi and one of the central tropes in male oral accounts of the region’s past. BAB Working Paper 2006:03 Presented at the History Department Zurich 7 February 2006, and at the National Archives of Namibia, Windhoek 27 Febraury 2006. ISSN 1422-8769</text>
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                <text>"Namibia is an arid to semi-arid country whose people traditionally know how to use this ecologically limited environment. The political, social, and economic changes since the country has become independent made common interest focus on ecological problems and sustainable land use. Aspects of politics, landscape ecology, ethnography, economy, geoscience, and oceanography are the bases for articles and posters published in this book which thus represent recent results of research work."</text>
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                <text>"The hybrid mix of authoritarianism and democracy disguised as specific form of “nationalism and national projects” (Ndlovu-Gathseni/Ndhlovu 2013) has been normalised in the postcolonial settings. In particular Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, had relatively well-developed infrastructure and economies and relatively well educated populations; they emerged or consolidated at a time when the world order had decidedly become (at least formally) democratic. The notion of “good governance” was coined as the guiding principle issued by the hegemonic Western world (Abrahamsen 2000). None of these liberation movements as governments have been seriously threatened by a coup d’état. These countries were better placed than most other African states in their transition to democracies that were claiming to apply political equality in actual practice. Why have they failed to make this transformation more credible and convincing?"</text>
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                <text>"In the following pages I try to reconstruct the history of the settlement at Otjeru and of its inhabitants. My writing draws from oral information received by people whose family histories are deeply connected with the place, but is mainly based on archival sources produced by various colonial officials and missionaries. Without fully engaging with the discussion about the narratives of colonial archives and the ways these shape history I will make some clarification with regard to my own understanding. The colonial archives are based on the need and logic of the colonial project. The information produced by colonial officials is very biased and selective and the way it is stored and classified reflects colonial rule and order. The structure of the archive influences historical research and writing. Depending on the logic and interest of the colonial power, the people living at Otjeru are constructed and documented as a community at certain moment in times, whereas no evidence can be found of the very same people for other periods. The production of information by the colonial apparatus is very often connected to situations perceived as exceptional or pivotal by the colonial state and were therefore cause for special intervention. The main producers of information were the representatives of the colonial power, i.e. army or police officers, magistrates, etc. The realities of the colonial archive are not without consequences for the historian's research and writing. My reconstruction of the history of Otjeru, too, follows the logic of the archive, in so far as the density of my writing heavily depends on the availability of sources. Yet, instead of providing a streamlined narrative, the reader is continuously informed in what follows about the conditions of writing, the producers of information and the nature of the sources forming the backbone of this text."</text>
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                <text>Hai||kom zwischen «Buschmannplage» und San Aktivismus: Koloniale Repräsentationen und postkoloniale Aneignung von Ethnizität im Namibia des 20. Jahrhunderts</text>
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                <text>© The author © Basler Afrika Bibliographien</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Among the Central Kalahari San, hunting with dogs was once only of secondary importance to that with traps or bows and arrows. In recent years, hunting with bows and arrows has declined, whereas that with dogs has become more common. Dogs play an important role when the San hunt large antelopes with spears, or medium-sized animals with sticks. Hunting success depends on the hunter's skill in identifying footprints and timing for throwing the spear, and the chasing and fighting abilities of the dog. The owners of the dogs participating in a hunt share the game. Three factors can be identified for the increase in dog hunting. Firstly, dogs have increased dramatically. Secondly, dog hunting does not require hunters to learn new skills, and convenient for the San who travel long distance on foot. Thirdly, hides of medium-sized animals and dried gemsbok meat have become important source of cash in a developing commercial economy.</text>
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                <text>Kazunobu IKEYA</text>
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                <text>African Study Monographs (1994), 15(3): 119-134</text>
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                <text>1994</text>
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                <text>http://repository.kulib.kyoto-u.ac.jp/dspace/handle/2433/68123</text>
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        <name>Kazunobu IKEYA</name>
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        <name>San</name>
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                  <text>Kyoto University</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>Environmental Change and Vegetation Succession along an Ephemeral River: The Kuiseb in the Namib Desert</text>
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                <text>Forests line the course of the Kuiseb River, an ephemeral river in the Namib Desert, and several areas of these forests are characterized by high concentrations of tree death (Mizuno, 2005; Mizuno &amp; Yamagata, 2005). We sought to clarify the relationship between recent environmental changes and such tree deaths in the region. In November 2007, we examined the roots of a seedling of Acacia erioloba that was germinated by rainfall beginning in January 2006. The Acacia erioloba had grown to a height of 10cm and its roots to over 230cm, within two years. In the sapling (seedling) stage, Acacia erioloba extends its main roots deeply until it reaches a moist, fine-grained soil layer (sandy silt) and can absorb water through lateral roots. When it reaches the stage at which the water supply from the moist, fine-grained soil layer is insufficient for its growing size, the tree extends innumerable lateral roots within a 50cm depth from the land surface, where they absorb water that has been transported to a shallow depth by fog and other sources. Acacia erioloba dies when its lateral roots are unable to absorb water. Until the mid-1970s, successive floods repeatedly deposited fine-grained materials (e.g., sandy silt) that create water-bearing sediments for the growth of Acacia erioloba, and the trees died only rarely. However, from 1980 to 1985 these materials became increasingly scarce due to the decreasing occurrence of flooding, and consequently many trees died. It is reasonable to infer that the trees died because fine sediments were no longer being regularly deposited, and because of the drawdown of the groundwater level, both of which are making it difficult for the shallow roots of the trees to absorb the water necessary to survive.</text>
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                <text>Kazuharu MIZUNO</text>
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                <text>African study monographs. Supplementary issue (2010), 40: 3-18</text>
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                <text>2010</text>
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                <text>http://repository.kulib.kyoto-u.ac.jp/dspace/handle/2433/96301</text>
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        <name>Environmental change</name>
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        <name>Kazuharu MIZUNO</name>
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        <name>Sand dune</name>
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        <name>Tree death</name>
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        <name>Vegetation succession</name>
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Kyoto University</text>
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      <name>Text</name>
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            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>Recent Grain-Size Coarsening of Floodplain Deposits and Forest Decline along the Kuiseb River, Namib Desert, Namibia</text>
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                <text>We investigated the flood plain deposits of the middle reach of the Kuiseb River in order to reveal the recent fluvial environment changes and forest decline. For the conservation of watershed environments, it is important to examine the relationship between environmental and hydrological changes. Fluvial deposits are useful for this as they record the past environmental changes in a catchment. Grain size coarsening was seen in the upper flood plain deposits in many places. The cause of the deposit coarsening was considered to be a relative increase in the supply of coarse material. The frequency of floods seems to have been decreased by the construction of many dams in the upper stream area, but sand dunes continue to advance on the river bed, increasing the relative supply rate of coarse material (dune sand). Notable forest declines were observed at the places where marked deposition of coarse sand had occurred, as such coarse deposits cannot retain water and are desiccated rapidly. The subsequent severe dry conditions at the roots induce tree death.</text>
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            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                <text>Kotaro YAMAGATA</text>
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                <text>African study monographs. Supplementary issue (2010), 40: 19-30</text>
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                <text>2010</text>
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                <text>English</text>
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            <name>Source</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="2939">
                <text>http://repository.kulib.kyoto-u.ac.jp/dspace/handle/2433/96300</text>
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        <name>Dam construction</name>
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        <name>Flood plain deposit</name>
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        <name>Grain size coarsening</name>
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        <name>Kotaro YAMAGATA</name>
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        <name>Kuiseb River</name>
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        <name>Namib Desert</name>
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        <name>Riparian forest decline</name>
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              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>Kyoto University</text>
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                <text>CHANGES IN THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE !NARA PLANT THAT AFFECT THE LIFE OF THE TOPNAAR PEOPLE IN THE LOWER KUISEB RIVER, NAMIB DESERT</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>The !Nara plant is endemic to the central Namib Desert. The Topnaar people, who live along the Kuiseb River, use this plant in their daily lives, as it serves as a vital source of income, nutrition, and traditional culture. !Nara is virtually the only food source of the Topnaar during harvest time, and cash can be obtained by selling the seeds of the !Nara fruit. In fact, 40% of Topnaar harvesters have no other source of income. A fl ood protection wall was built in 1961 to protect Walvis Bay from flood damage, and a tributary that once flowed to the town was dammed as a result. A large percentage of !Nara was killed, and the crop yield decreased dramatically. The loss of floodwaters following the construction of the wall likely resulted in a decreased moisture supply, causing !Nara vegetation to suffer. It is probably difficult for seeds to germinate owing to the decreased flooding erosion, the increased accumulation of sand, and the lowered groundwater table.</text>
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                <text>Masaaki ITO</text>
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                <text>African study monographs. Supplementary issue (2005), 30: 65-75</text>
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                <text>2005</text>
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                <text>English</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="2947">
                <text>http://repository.kulib.kyoto-u.ac.jp/dspace/handle/2433/68460</text>
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        <name>!Nara</name>
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        <name>Flood</name>
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        <name>Groundwater.</name>
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        <name>Kuiseb</name>
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      <tag tagId="1095">
        <name>Masaaki ITO</name>
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      <tag tagId="158">
        <name>Nama</name>
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        <name>Namib Desert</name>
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        <name>Topnaar people</name>
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                  <text>Kyoto University</text>
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                <text>Ethnohistory and Archaeology of the Ju/'hoansi Bushmen</text>
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                <text>The 'Great Kalahari Debate' which revolved around the degree of isolation of the Ju/'hoansi Bushmen failed to adequately interrogate the Bushmen on what they knew of their own history. A combination of interviews with respected Ju/'hoansi elders and archaeological excavation indicates that those Bushmen living in the Sandveld of north-eastern Namibia, although in contact with Kavango farmers, would use them as a convenient source of hxaro exchange items only when needed. This meant only a limited number of exotic pieces were found in the excavations at the hxaro exchange place of Cho/ana in the Kaudom Reserve, suggesting that the Bushmen retained their independence. By way of contrast, hunters living in small rock shelters on the edge of Tswana settlements around Gaberone in Botswana gradually saw their cultural material being completely replaced by exotic goods and food, indicating encapsulation by the dominant society.</text>
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                <text>Andrew B. Smith</text>
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                <text>African study monographs. Supplementary issue (2001), 26: 15-25</text>
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                <text>http://repository.kulib.kyoto-u.ac.jp/dspace/handle/2433/68410</text>
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                  <text>Kyoto University</text>
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                <text>ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGES IN RELATION TO TREE DEATH ALONG THE KUISEB RIVER IN THE NAMIB DESERT</text>
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                <text>The Namib Desert is located along the western coast of Namibia and is affected by the cold Benguela Current. Although forest is distributed along the Kuiseb River in the Namib Desert, many trees are almost dead in some areas. The aim of this research was to clarify the relationship between environmental changes and tree death. The results of the survey are summarized as follows: (1) Many dead trees are located on the riverbanks made of dune sand, which are about 1 m high. (2) Dead trees are located in transitional areas where a northward protrusion of the southern shore is followed by a southward protrusion of the northern shore along the course of the river, in proximity to a sand dune. (3) Floods have eroded the noses of advancing sand dunes of the upper stream and have caused tree death by depositing sand. (4) The date of tree death has been estimated between the late 1970s and the early 1980s by 14C dating. (5) Flood days numbered 33 per year from 1962 to 1975 and 2.7 from 1976 to 1985. The remaining thick sand layer, deposited by the last flood, may be the cause of tree death, given that there was drastic decrease in fl oods since 1976. (6) Tree death has greatly affected people's lives along the Kuiseb River because they depend on riverside forests as a source of shade, shelter, fuel, and food for humans and livestock.</text>
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                <text>Kazuharu MIZUNO</text>
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                <text>African study monographs. Supplementary issue (2005), 30: 27-41</text>
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                <text>http://repository.kulib.kyoto-u.ac.jp/dspace/handle/2433/68463</text>
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        <name>Flood decrease</name>
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        <name>Humans</name>
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        <name>Kazuharu MIZUNO</name>
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        <name>Kuiseb River</name>
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        <name>Namib Desert</name>
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        <name>Sand deposits</name>
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                  <text>Kyoto University</text>
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                <text>Changes in Developmental Trends of Caregiver-Child Interactions among the San: Evidence from the !Xun of Northern Namibia</text>
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                <text>The San have been the subject of extensive research with respect to their foraging lifestyle that is assumed to date back to antiquity. I conducted field research among the !Xun San, who have had close associations with the neighboring agro-pastoralists, in order to deepen understanding in this area. As anticipated by previous studies on the influence of sedentarization, !Xun children were increasingly engaged in the care of their younger siblings or cousins. These studies also predicted early weaning from breastfeeding. Indeed, the transition from breastfeeding to solid baby food occurred primarily during the second year after birth, regardless of the mother's next pregnancy, among the present-day !Xun. However, several findings did not meet the expectations raised by previous studies. Despite the difference in subsistence patterns, the trend toward parity among sedentary !Xun women was quite similar to that of nomadic Ju|'hoan women. The developmental transition involving touching and holding by the mother was similar among the Ju|'hoan and the !Xun. Gymnastic behavior preceding unaided walking of children persisted, even among the sedentary !Xun, mediated by differences in folk knowledge regarding such gymnastic behavior. Based on this evidence, I reconsidered the relationships among ecology and subsistence patterns, parental ideology, and patterns of caregiver-child interactions.</text>
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                <text>Akira TAKADA</text>
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                <text>African study monographs. Supplementary issue (2010), 40: 155-177</text>
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                <text>2010</text>
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                <text>http://repository.kulib.kyoto-u.ac.jp/dspace/handle/2433/96291</text>
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        <name>Childhood</name>
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        <name>Hunter-gatherers</name>
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        <name>Socialization</name>
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