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                  <text>&lt;span&gt;The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is the oldest of Germany’s ‘political foundations‘ and committed to the basic values of social democracy and the labour movement. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;As a private, non-profit educational institution, ‘think tank’ and platform for political dialogue, its mission is to promote democracy, development, social justice and peace through capacity-building, policy research, public dialogue and international exchange.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;FES carries out its international activities through a network of currently about 100 offices world-wide, in combination with its headquarters in &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fes.de/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Berlin and Bonn/Germany&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt;and in close co-operation with its local and international partners. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fesnam.org/contact.html"&gt;The FES office in Namibia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; was established in 1989 on the eve of the Namibian independence. At present it is staffed with one expatriate and six local full-time employees. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Before 1989, i.e. during South African apartheid rule in the then South West Africa, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung had already supported in various ways those that struggled against white minority rule and for an independent and democratic Namibia. The establishment of an office was then just a logical step - based on requests by our political partners and motivated by the desire to firstly, support the transition to a non-racial multiparty-democracy and secondly, contribute to the transformation of the Namibian society into a prosperous and just society of equal rights, equal opportunities and a decent living for all.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The items in this collection are taken from open access publication on the LaRRI website. All rights are theirs. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>This book had its genesis in two observations: that democratisation has been the major political trend in Southern Africa since the end of apartheid and the termination of the Cold War (albeit an uneven democratisation that in some cases has even been reversed); and, that like many regions or subregions, Southern Africa has embarked on a major project of multinational co-operation, including in the security field. These observations led to two questions, which is what this book is all about. The first was essentially about the relationship (if any) between the dynamics of democratisation and democratic practices (or lack of them) and national security perceptions and practices in Southern African states. The second was whether this has had any effect on approaches to the regional security project. We leave it to the reader to judge whether we have answered these questions, but a summary of the findings is attempted in the conclusion.</text>
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                <text>http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/suedafrika/07199.pdf</text>
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                <text>The TIPEEG results thus far do not provide reason for too much optimism and the programme is unlikely to reach the targeted 104 000 new (although mostly temporary) jobs. What then are possible options to create thousands of permanent, sustainable and decent jobs in Namibia in the coming years? Paper presented at a parliamentary forum hosted by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Windhoek on 6 March 2013</text>
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                <text>http://www.fesnam.org/pdf/2013/AlternativestoTIPEEG.pdf</text>
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                  <text>&lt;span&gt;The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is the oldest of Germany’s ‘political foundations‘ and committed to the basic values of social democracy and the labour movement. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;As a private, non-profit educational institution, ‘think tank’ and platform for political dialogue, its mission is to promote democracy, development, social justice and peace through capacity-building, policy research, public dialogue and international exchange.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;FES carries out its international activities through a network of currently about 100 offices world-wide, in combination with its headquarters in &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fes.de/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Berlin and Bonn/Germany&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt;and in close co-operation with its local and international partners. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fesnam.org/contact.html"&gt;The FES office in Namibia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; was established in 1989 on the eve of the Namibian independence. At present it is staffed with one expatriate and six local full-time employees. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Before 1989, i.e. during South African apartheid rule in the then South West Africa, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung had already supported in various ways those that struggled against white minority rule and for an independent and democratic Namibia. The establishment of an office was then just a logical step - based on requests by our political partners and motivated by the desire to firstly, support the transition to a non-racial multiparty-democracy and secondly, contribute to the transformation of the Namibian society into a prosperous and just society of equal rights, equal opportunities and a decent living for all.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The items in this collection are taken from open access publication on the LaRRI website. All rights are theirs. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Namibia’s experiences with Ramatex to date point to the urgent need to ensure (at the very least) compliance by foreign investors with Namibian laws, regulations, workers’ rights, as well as environmental, health and safety standards. Experiences elsewhere have shown that compromises on social, environmental and labour standards in the name of international competitiveness have led to a ‘race to the bottom’. The Namibian government as well as trade unions will have to demonstrate that they are serious in defending these rights that were only won through long and bitter struggles. It will be crucial to demonstrate to Ramatex that Namibian laws, regulations and rights are not negotiable. Otherwise, Ramatex will set an example for others to follow, resulting in the loss of some achievements made by Namibian workers since independence. in: Herbert Jauch / Rudolf Traub-Merz (Eds.) - The Future of the Textile and Clothing Industry in Sub-Saharan Africa (Bonn: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2006)</text>
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                <text>http://www.fesnam.org/pdf/2006/reports_publications/Jauch_AfricasClothing_TextileInd2006.pdf</text>
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                <text>Introduction&#13;
Hubert René Schillinger&#13;
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Keynote address: the policy dimensions of trade in the SADC region&#13;
Ben Turok&#13;
&#13;
Open versus developmental integration – what options for SADC?&#13;
Rok Ajulu&#13;
&#13;
Will SADC create a free trade area by 2008 and a customs union by 2010?&#13;
Christopher Mulaudzi&#13;
&#13;
The contribution of development finance institutions to SADC integration&#13;
Stuart Kufeni&#13;
&#13;
The effectiveness of institutional restructuring in SADC&#13;
Jonathan Mayuyuka Kaunda&#13;
&#13;
The Titanic is sinking! Progress with security co-operation in Southern Africa&#13;
Anthoni van Nieuwkerk&#13;
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The Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan: problems and prospects&#13;
Garth le Pere and Elling Tjønneland&#13;
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Economic integration in SADC and the economic partnership agreement negotiations&#13;
Stella Mushiri&#13;
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                  <text>&lt;span&gt;The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is the oldest of Germany’s ‘political foundations‘ and committed to the basic values of social democracy and the labour movement. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;As a private, non-profit educational institution, ‘think tank’ and platform for political dialogue, its mission is to promote democracy, development, social justice and peace through capacity-building, policy research, public dialogue and international exchange.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;FES carries out its international activities through a network of currently about 100 offices world-wide, in combination with its headquarters in &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fes.de/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Berlin and Bonn/Germany&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt;and in close co-operation with its local and international partners. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fesnam.org/contact.html"&gt;The FES office in Namibia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; was established in 1989 on the eve of the Namibian independence. At present it is staffed with one expatriate and six local full-time employees. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Before 1989, i.e. during South African apartheid rule in the then South West Africa, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung had already supported in various ways those that struggled against white minority rule and for an independent and democratic Namibia. The establishment of an office was then just a logical step - based on requests by our political partners and motivated by the desire to firstly, support the transition to a non-racial multiparty-democracy and secondly, contribute to the transformation of the Namibian society into a prosperous and just society of equal rights, equal opportunities and a decent living for all.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The items in this collection are taken from open access publication on the LaRRI website. All rights are theirs. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>The Management of a Dominant Political Party system with particular reference to Namibia</text>
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                <text>Since independence SWAPO Party has gone through a transition and transformation process, from a liberation movement to a political party. It is committed to the principle of a multi-party democracy and therefore to multi-partyism as enshrined in the Constitution. SWAPO Party is presently opposed in Parliament by some small, mostly ethnic based political parties. The most important one is presently the Congress of Democrats (COD) which was supported by 7.27% of the electorate during the 2004 National Assembly elections. COD is the only opposition party that can claim limited support throughout Namibia. In general, it can be said that due to a weak opposition there is no political counterweight of any relevance in Namibia. All political parties represented in the National Assembly take ideologically spoken a middle position in the political spectrum. Party political programmes of those parties represented in the National Assembly do not differ fundamentally from those of the SWAPO Party on most issues. The opposition parties are divided among themselves and from time to time split up into smaller groups.</text>
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                <text>Gerhard Tötemeyer</text>
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                <text>© Friedrich Ebert Stiftung and Gerhard Tötemeyer, 2007</text>
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                <text>http://www.fesnam.org/pdf/2007/reports_publications/Toetemeyer_DominantPoliticalPartySystem_Namibia2007.pdf</text>
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                  <text>&lt;span&gt;The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is the oldest of Germany’s ‘political foundations‘ and committed to the basic values of social democracy and the labour movement. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;As a private, non-profit educational institution, ‘think tank’ and platform for political dialogue, its mission is to promote democracy, development, social justice and peace through capacity-building, policy research, public dialogue and international exchange.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;FES carries out its international activities through a network of currently about 100 offices world-wide, in combination with its headquarters in &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fes.de/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Berlin and Bonn/Germany&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt;and in close co-operation with its local and international partners. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fesnam.org/contact.html"&gt;The FES office in Namibia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; was established in 1989 on the eve of the Namibian independence. At present it is staffed with one expatriate and six local full-time employees. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Before 1989, i.e. during South African apartheid rule in the then South West Africa, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung had already supported in various ways those that struggled against white minority rule and for an independent and democratic Namibia. The establishment of an office was then just a logical step - based on requests by our political partners and motivated by the desire to firstly, support the transition to a non-racial multiparty-democracy and secondly, contribute to the transformation of the Namibian society into a prosperous and just society of equal rights, equal opportunities and a decent living for all.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The items in this collection are taken from open access publication on the LaRRI website. All rights are theirs. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>“Towards a Basic Income Grant for All” (Pilot)</text>
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                <text>In January 2008, a Basic Income Grant (BIG) pilot project began in the Otjivero-Omitara area 100 kilometres east of Windhoek. All residents below the age of 60 years receive a Basic Income Grant of N$100 per person per month, without any conditions being attached. The grant is being given to every person registered as living there in July 2007, whatever their social and economic status. This BIG pilot project is designed and implemented by the Namibian Basic Income Grant Coalition (established in 2004) and is the first universal cash-transfer pilot project in the world. The BIG Coalition thereby aims to practically pilot the Namibian Government's NAMTAX recommendation of a BIG for Namibia. Thus the BIG Coalition regards this project as the first step towards a BIG for all. The BIG Coalition consists of four big umbrella bodies in Namibia, namely, Council of Churches (CCN), the Namibian Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW), the Namibian NGO Forum (NANGOF) and the Namibian Network of AIDS Service Organisations (NANASO). Funds to start the pilot project were raised through voluntary contributions from supporters of the idea from all sections of Namibia's society, and by support from people, churches, organisations and donors in other countries. The BIG pilot project will run for a period of 24 months up to December 2009. The effects of the BIG pilot project are being evaluated on an ongoing basis. Four complementary methods are being used. First, a baseline survey was conducted in November 2007. Second, a panel survey is being conducted every six months, the first being in July 2008. Third, information is being gathered from key informants in the area. Fourth, a series of detailed case studies of individuals living in Otjivero-Omitara is being carried out. This is the report comparing the results of the baseline study and panel data after the first six months of implementation.</text>
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                <text>Claudia Haarmann, Dirk Haarmann, Herbert Jauch, Hilma Shindondola-Mote, Nicoli Nattrass, Michael Samson and Guy Standing</text>
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                <text>Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, National Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW), Namibia NGO Forum, Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI)</text>
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                <text>© Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2008</text>
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Evengelista Mudzonga&#13;
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                  <text>The Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) is a vibrant Namibian based research and education institute committed to the overall political and economic independence of all working people in Namibia and beyond. The institute fights for a fair, just social and economic Namibian society through labour research,education, and lobbying and advocacy. The institute believes that the nature and scope of labour research is informed by the struggles and experiences of the working people and consequently shaped by their values, principles and their world view. It is no doubt that labour is the primary source of value but many workers continue to be exploited and undervalued. LaRRI was therefore established in 1998 to seek answers to the existing economic and social order with a view to provide alternative developmental agenda in favour of the working class.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Unionization rates in Namibia are high. 30 trade unions grouped into two federations represent over 100,000 workers. Namibia has no minimum wage, but trade unions have managed to negotiate minimum wage agreements in both the agricultural and construction sectors. Despite some success in the traditional sectors, Namibian Unions still face many challenges, and will have to improve their recruitment strategies and organize their workers in non-traditional sectors. Unions need to develop effective strategies to influence socio-economic policies in favor of the workers and the poor that span beyond the workplace.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI offers a range of short and medium term courses for trade union leaders, organizers, and shopstewards in Namibia and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. Courses offered include: political economy, globalization, export processing zones (EPZs), structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) collective bargaining, affirmitive action, and gender issues. In addition, LaRRI offers an accredited labour diploma course, which is run in cooperation with the Workers College, the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, and the University of Namibia.&#13;
&#13;
Besides its research reports, LaRRI has published a range of seminar papers and articles for local and international publications. LaRRI has also produced popular booklets for trade unions, most of which are available on LaRRI’s website and the resource center. LaRRI is a founding member of the African Labour Research Network (ALRN), which carries out research projects for trade unions across Africa.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI continuously updates and expands its resource centre, which now contains a range of books and periodicals on various topics like trade unions in Namibia and the SADC region, industrial relations, gender equality, international trade unions, HIV/Aids, the Namibian economy, occupational health and safety, as well as UNDP and ILO publications. The resource centre serves as a library for trade unions, NGOs, students and the general public.&#13;
&#13;
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&#13;
Organizing the unorganized. Re-defining ‘the working class’ in today’s context. Environmental justice. Mining, fishing, and farming; land-grab issues. Gender equality. Challenges confronting women workers and HIV-AIDS discrimination. Housing and urban rights. Access to housing and the right to the city. Youth and unemployment. Politics and oportunities for the youth. Foreign investment and neo-colonialism. Dispossession through trade agreements. Social protection and economic rights. Basic income grant and state spending.&#13;
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                <text>The increase in uranium mining projects will certainly lead to more employment opportunities for Namibia and for The Erongo region in particular and there will be potential inflow of migrants into Erongo. Based on conversations with some residents of Arandis a number of people have already moved into Arandis after The opening of The Langer Heinrich uranium mine and other exploration projects taking place in The area - The pressure on The provision of facilities and services such as housing,schools, and hospitals will increase. It is therefore expected that The national and regional government expect companies to assist in improving existing basic services and setting up additional infrastructures as part of The conditions for investment - on The other hand, despite its contribution to GDP, mining has short-term benefits, but long-term consequences - Our findings reveal that The negative effects on The health and social organization of The community of Arandis are already astonishing - Namibia therefore needs a clear strategy to evaluate The sustainability, ethics and responsibility of external investment in The extractive sectors. with The support of civil society and The community, The government should be able to develop The capacity to design appropriate strategies on how to deal with uranium as a mineral resource</text>
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                <text>Hilma Shindondola-Mote</text>
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                  <text>The Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) is a vibrant Namibian based research and education institute committed to the overall political and economic independence of all working people in Namibia and beyond. The institute fights for a fair, just social and economic Namibian society through labour research,education, and lobbying and advocacy. The institute believes that the nature and scope of labour research is informed by the struggles and experiences of the working people and consequently shaped by their values, principles and their world view. It is no doubt that labour is the primary source of value but many workers continue to be exploited and undervalued. LaRRI was therefore established in 1998 to seek answers to the existing economic and social order with a view to provide alternative developmental agenda in favour of the working class.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Unionization rates in Namibia are high. 30 trade unions grouped into two federations represent over 100,000 workers. Namibia has no minimum wage, but trade unions have managed to negotiate minimum wage agreements in both the agricultural and construction sectors. Despite some success in the traditional sectors, Namibian Unions still face many challenges, and will have to improve their recruitment strategies and organize their workers in non-traditional sectors. Unions need to develop effective strategies to influence socio-economic policies in favor of the workers and the poor that span beyond the workplace.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI offers a range of short and medium term courses for trade union leaders, organizers, and shopstewards in Namibia and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. Courses offered include: political economy, globalization, export processing zones (EPZs), structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) collective bargaining, affirmitive action, and gender issues. In addition, LaRRI offers an accredited labour diploma course, which is run in cooperation with the Workers College, the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, and the University of Namibia.&#13;
&#13;
Besides its research reports, LaRRI has published a range of seminar papers and articles for local and international publications. LaRRI has also produced popular booklets for trade unions, most of which are available on LaRRI’s website and the resource center. LaRRI is a founding member of the African Labour Research Network (ALRN), which carries out research projects for trade unions across Africa.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI continuously updates and expands its resource centre, which now contains a range of books and periodicals on various topics like trade unions in Namibia and the SADC region, industrial relations, gender equality, international trade unions, HIV/Aids, the Namibian economy, occupational health and safety, as well as UNDP and ILO publications. The resource centre serves as a library for trade unions, NGOs, students and the general public.&#13;
&#13;
The institute engages in public debate by organizing and being invited to public discussions, book presentations, lectures, and workshops. Media appearances are also frequent. Furthermore, the institute will expand its engagements by actively disseminating the ongoing initiatives through poster campaigns, periodic public gatherings with community members, cultural events, and social media.&#13;
&#13;
Organizing the unorganized. Re-defining ‘the working class’ in today’s context. Environmental justice. Mining, fishing, and farming; land-grab issues. Gender equality. Challenges confronting women workers and HIV-AIDS discrimination. Housing and urban rights. Access to housing and the right to the city. Youth and unemployment. Politics and oportunities for the youth. Foreign investment and neo-colonialism. Dispossession through trade agreements. Social protection and economic rights. Basic income grant and state spending.&#13;
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                <text>Namibia’s Informal Economy: Possibilities for Trade Union Intervention</text>
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                <text>The main aim of the study was to examine the possibilities for trade union intervention in the informal economy. A total of 488 interviews were conducted with operators and workers, as well as trade unionists and informal economy associations in order to ascertain the working conditions and possibilities for trade unions intervention. The study covered employment relations, working conditions, incomes, knowledge and membership of trade unions and informal economy associations. A literature review was conducted to help broaden the understanding of the nature of the informal economy.</text>
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                  <text>The Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) is a vibrant Namibian based research and education institute committed to the overall political and economic independence of all working people in Namibia and beyond. The institute fights for a fair, just social and economic Namibian society through labour research,education, and lobbying and advocacy. The institute believes that the nature and scope of labour research is informed by the struggles and experiences of the working people and consequently shaped by their values, principles and their world view. It is no doubt that labour is the primary source of value but many workers continue to be exploited and undervalued. LaRRI was therefore established in 1998 to seek answers to the existing economic and social order with a view to provide alternative developmental agenda in favour of the working class.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Unionization rates in Namibia are high. 30 trade unions grouped into two federations represent over 100,000 workers. Namibia has no minimum wage, but trade unions have managed to negotiate minimum wage agreements in both the agricultural and construction sectors. Despite some success in the traditional sectors, Namibian Unions still face many challenges, and will have to improve their recruitment strategies and organize their workers in non-traditional sectors. Unions need to develop effective strategies to influence socio-economic policies in favor of the workers and the poor that span beyond the workplace.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI offers a range of short and medium term courses for trade union leaders, organizers, and shopstewards in Namibia and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. Courses offered include: political economy, globalization, export processing zones (EPZs), structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) collective bargaining, affirmitive action, and gender issues. In addition, LaRRI offers an accredited labour diploma course, which is run in cooperation with the Workers College, the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, and the University of Namibia.&#13;
&#13;
Besides its research reports, LaRRI has published a range of seminar papers and articles for local and international publications. LaRRI has also produced popular booklets for trade unions, most of which are available on LaRRI’s website and the resource center. LaRRI is a founding member of the African Labour Research Network (ALRN), which carries out research projects for trade unions across Africa.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI continuously updates and expands its resource centre, which now contains a range of books and periodicals on various topics like trade unions in Namibia and the SADC region, industrial relations, gender equality, international trade unions, HIV/Aids, the Namibian economy, occupational health and safety, as well as UNDP and ILO publications. The resource centre serves as a library for trade unions, NGOs, students and the general public.&#13;
&#13;
The institute engages in public debate by organizing and being invited to public discussions, book presentations, lectures, and workshops. Media appearances are also frequent. Furthermore, the institute will expand its engagements by actively disseminating the ongoing initiatives through poster campaigns, periodic public gatherings with community members, cultural events, and social media.&#13;
&#13;
Organizing the unorganized. Re-defining ‘the working class’ in today’s context. Environmental justice. Mining, fishing, and farming; land-grab issues. Gender equality. Challenges confronting women workers and HIV-AIDS discrimination. Housing and urban rights. Access to housing and the right to the city. Youth and unemployment. Politics and oportunities for the youth. Foreign investment and neo-colonialism. Dispossession through trade agreements. Social protection and economic rights. Basic income grant and state spending.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>This booklet will not discuss all aspects in detail but will give a brief overview of Namibia's EPZ programme as well as a profile of the Ramatex Company. The main part of this booklet deals with the experiences of Ramatex workers. All too often their views are discarded by policy makers who simply argue that ‘workers should be grateful to have any job at all’. We believe that development must be a people-centred process that cannot ignore the views of those directly affected. We therefore hope that this booklet will contribute towards making the experiences of Ramatex workers known. This booklet will present their stories as they have told them. We also hope that this booklet will contribute to a debate about the costs and benefits of investments like Ramatex in terms of long-term sustainable development.</text>
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&#13;
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                <text>The main objective of the study was to examine the working conditions of workers at service stations countrywide with a particular focus of exploring the possibility of introducing a minimum wage. Specifically the study aimed to: - Examine the working conditions of petrol attendants, including working hours, overtime pay, disciplinary procedures and dismissals; - Determine the wage levels of workers at service stations; - Explore regional differences with regards to wages and working conditions at service stations; - Assess the health and safety risks associated with work at service stations; - Assess the possibilities of introducing a minimum wage in the industry; - Examine the role played by the Association of Service Station Owners; - Investigate trade union recruitment at service stations; - Investigate ownership changes and economic trends at service stations; - Explore the relationship between oil companies and the individual owners of service stations.</text>
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                  <text>The Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) is a vibrant Namibian based research and education institute committed to the overall political and economic independence of all working people in Namibia and beyond. The institute fights for a fair, just social and economic Namibian society through labour research,education, and lobbying and advocacy. The institute believes that the nature and scope of labour research is informed by the struggles and experiences of the working people and consequently shaped by their values, principles and their world view. It is no doubt that labour is the primary source of value but many workers continue to be exploited and undervalued. LaRRI was therefore established in 1998 to seek answers to the existing economic and social order with a view to provide alternative developmental agenda in favour of the working class.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Unionization rates in Namibia are high. 30 trade unions grouped into two federations represent over 100,000 workers. Namibia has no minimum wage, but trade unions have managed to negotiate minimum wage agreements in both the agricultural and construction sectors. Despite some success in the traditional sectors, Namibian Unions still face many challenges, and will have to improve their recruitment strategies and organize their workers in non-traditional sectors. Unions need to develop effective strategies to influence socio-economic policies in favor of the workers and the poor that span beyond the workplace.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI offers a range of short and medium term courses for trade union leaders, organizers, and shopstewards in Namibia and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. Courses offered include: political economy, globalization, export processing zones (EPZs), structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) collective bargaining, affirmitive action, and gender issues. In addition, LaRRI offers an accredited labour diploma course, which is run in cooperation with the Workers College, the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, and the University of Namibia.&#13;
&#13;
Besides its research reports, LaRRI has published a range of seminar papers and articles for local and international publications. LaRRI has also produced popular booklets for trade unions, most of which are available on LaRRI’s website and the resource center. LaRRI is a founding member of the African Labour Research Network (ALRN), which carries out research projects for trade unions across Africa.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI continuously updates and expands its resource centre, which now contains a range of books and periodicals on various topics like trade unions in Namibia and the SADC region, industrial relations, gender equality, international trade unions, HIV/Aids, the Namibian economy, occupational health and safety, as well as UNDP and ILO publications. The resource centre serves as a library for trade unions, NGOs, students and the general public.&#13;
&#13;
The institute engages in public debate by organizing and being invited to public discussions, book presentations, lectures, and workshops. Media appearances are also frequent. Furthermore, the institute will expand its engagements by actively disseminating the ongoing initiatives through poster campaigns, periodic public gatherings with community members, cultural events, and social media.&#13;
&#13;
Organizing the unorganized. Re-defining ‘the working class’ in today’s context. Environmental justice. Mining, fishing, and farming; land-grab issues. Gender equality. Challenges confronting women workers and HIV-AIDS discrimination. Housing and urban rights. Access to housing and the right to the city. Youth and unemployment. Politics and oportunities for the youth. Foreign investment and neo-colonialism. Dispossession through trade agreements. Social protection and economic rights. Basic income grant and state spending.&#13;
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The items in this collection are taken from open access publication on the LaRRI website. All rights are theirs.</text>
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                <text>Chinese Investments in Namibia: A Labour Perspective</text>
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                <text>This study forms part of a broader 10-country case study on Chinese investments in Africa, coordinated and implemented by the African Labour Research Network (ALRN). African trade union leaders identified the topic as a priority area for the labour movement and the ALRN study thus aims to provide them with up-to date information on the impact of Chinese investments for African workers. In Namibia, the national congress of the National Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW) in 2006 passed a resolution asking the Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) to carry out a study into Chinese investments in Namibia, with particular emphasis on working conditions. We therefore decided to publish our study as a separate booklet for debate in Namibia and hope that it will provide a basis for a sober analysis of the costs and benefits associated with Chinese investments.</text>
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                  <text>The Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) is a vibrant Namibian based research and education institute committed to the overall political and economic independence of all working people in Namibia and beyond. The institute fights for a fair, just social and economic Namibian society through labour research,education, and lobbying and advocacy. The institute believes that the nature and scope of labour research is informed by the struggles and experiences of the working people and consequently shaped by their values, principles and their world view. It is no doubt that labour is the primary source of value but many workers continue to be exploited and undervalued. LaRRI was therefore established in 1998 to seek answers to the existing economic and social order with a view to provide alternative developmental agenda in favour of the working class.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Unionization rates in Namibia are high. 30 trade unions grouped into two federations represent over 100,000 workers. Namibia has no minimum wage, but trade unions have managed to negotiate minimum wage agreements in both the agricultural and construction sectors. Despite some success in the traditional sectors, Namibian Unions still face many challenges, and will have to improve their recruitment strategies and organize their workers in non-traditional sectors. Unions need to develop effective strategies to influence socio-economic policies in favor of the workers and the poor that span beyond the workplace.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI offers a range of short and medium term courses for trade union leaders, organizers, and shopstewards in Namibia and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. Courses offered include: political economy, globalization, export processing zones (EPZs), structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) collective bargaining, affirmitive action, and gender issues. In addition, LaRRI offers an accredited labour diploma course, which is run in cooperation with the Workers College, the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, and the University of Namibia.&#13;
&#13;
Besides its research reports, LaRRI has published a range of seminar papers and articles for local and international publications. LaRRI has also produced popular booklets for trade unions, most of which are available on LaRRI’s website and the resource center. LaRRI is a founding member of the African Labour Research Network (ALRN), which carries out research projects for trade unions across Africa.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI continuously updates and expands its resource centre, which now contains a range of books and periodicals on various topics like trade unions in Namibia and the SADC region, industrial relations, gender equality, international trade unions, HIV/Aids, the Namibian economy, occupational health and safety, as well as UNDP and ILO publications. The resource centre serves as a library for trade unions, NGOs, students and the general public.&#13;
&#13;
The institute engages in public debate by organizing and being invited to public discussions, book presentations, lectures, and workshops. Media appearances are also frequent. Furthermore, the institute will expand its engagements by actively disseminating the ongoing initiatives through poster campaigns, periodic public gatherings with community members, cultural events, and social media.&#13;
&#13;
Organizing the unorganized. Re-defining ‘the working class’ in today’s context. Environmental justice. Mining, fishing, and farming; land-grab issues. Gender equality. Challenges confronting women workers and HIV-AIDS discrimination. Housing and urban rights. Access to housing and the right to the city. Youth and unemployment. Politics and oportunities for the youth. Foreign investment and neo-colonialism. Dispossession through trade agreements. Social protection and economic rights. Basic income grant and state spending.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>An Assessment of the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and its Implications for Namibia</text>
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                <text>The United States introduced the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) in 2000 with the intention of maximising trade between the US and sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries. Specifically, AGOA aimed at developing the textile industry in SSA countries as it has the potential to contribute positively to employment creation due to its labour intensiveness nature. Unlike other trade agreements that are bilateral, AGOA is a unilateral trade preference agreement decided upon by the United States and targeting SSA countries. AGOA accords the President of the United States the right to cease the status of a SSA country that does not meet the requirements set out in AGOA. Only eligible sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries that meet certain requirements outlined in the Act can benefit under AGOA. Under AGOA, certain goods from eligible SSA countries can enter the United States duty free and quota free. The introduction of AGOA led to increased trade between the USA and the SSA countries. However, the increase in trade was not experienced at the same level in all SSA countries and did not affect all goods equally. Trade statistics show that countries that experienced substantial growth in trade included Nigeria, Angola and South Africa, Gabon and Chad. Furthermore, products dominating trade between United States and SSA countries are natural resources and primary products. Overall, petroleum products account for more the 90 per cent of all African exports to the United States. In other SSA countries, AGOA led to the development of textile industries. Thus countries like Swaziland, Lesotho and Malawi experienced a substantial growth in their textile industries. Despite the significant growth experienced by the above-mentioned countries, total exports to the US from African countries are still dominated by petroleum products. In Namibia, products that dominate exports to the US are metals, minerals, textiles and apparel. The highest overall exports of US$ 238 219 million were recorded in 2004 and dropped significantly to US $129 557 million in 2005. The reduction in exports was also experienced in the textile industry in Namibia and in many SSA countries. For instance, many textile producing SSA countries experienced a decrease in their textile exports and subsequently company closures, which led to loss of thousands of jobs. In Namibia alone, about 1 600 jobs were lost when one of Ramatex’s subsidiaries (Rhino Garments) closed down in 2005. Namibia became a beneficiary country in 2001 and qualified for the ‘special rule’ provision on apparel articles which allows lesser developed SSA countries to source their raw materials from anywhere in the world. Only countries that had been classified as lesser-developed countries on the basis that their GDP per capita did not exceed $1500 could benefit from this provision. Before, 2001, Namibia did not have a developed textile and apparel industry but this changed with the introduction of AGOA coupled with many government concessions, which largely influenced the Ramatex company decision to invest in Namibia. Ramatex is by far the largest textile factory in Namibia and was expected to create about 8 000 jobs, a reason which was used to justify the concessions offered to Ramatex. Following retrenchments in 2005 and 2006, there are currently only 3 600 Namibian workers employed at Ramatex. Despite having increased workers wages in 2006 following lengthy negotiations and a strike, Ramatex workers are still among the lowest paid industrial workers in Namibia. Furthermore, since its inception, labour relations have been tense at the company with the lack of wage increases as the main source of conflict. This study revealed that there are internal and external challenges that face the success of AGOA in SSA countries. The internal challenges relate to the ability of companies to fully benefit under AGOA due to internal capacity constraints whilst external constraints are the end of the Multi Fibre Agreement (MFA) coupled with the attractions offered by China as an investment location.</text>
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                <text>Ntwala Mwilima and Herbert Jauch</text>
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                  <text>Political Documents (SWAPO, SWANU, DTA)</text>
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                  <text>This collection holds PDF scans of constitutions of Namibian political parties SWAPO, SWANU, and the DTA. Some other documents are included as well</text>
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Constitutional Principals for SWA/Namibia&#13;
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