Namibiana Resources in Finland: Two Finding Aids
These finding aids were given to me by Dr. Harri Siiskonen at Yliopisto Itä-Suomi, Joensuu. These document various resources on Namibian studies available throughout Finland. There are microfilms of the Emil Liljeblad collection, the German government records, the German Colonial Society, Namibian newspapers (colonial), microfiche copies of some documents from the National Archives of Namibia, the German Evangelical Lutheran Church in Wuppertal, and many printed documents and journals. Some may find this difficult to read, because it schizophrenically switches between Finnish and English, but if you take your time, you can find good files. Note that, like most Finnish Research on Namibia, these largely deal with Ovamboland and the North.
Harri Siiskonen, Kari Miettinen
Self produced by Harri Siiskonen, University of Joensuu
unclear
Bernard C. Moore
PDF
English, Finnish, German
Namibiana in Finland: Guide to the Finnish Archival Sources Concerning Namibia before 1938
"The project, 'Namibiana in Finland' was divided into two branches. The first of these, being the proper documentation part of the project, consists of the inventory and cataloging of the Finnish archival records and literature on Namibia. The other branch includes the transfer of the information concerning Namibia from Finland to the UNIN in Lusaka, Zambia. This is possible through microfilming the material for the Institute, fro both that part of the archival material as well as the older literature." "This guide is aimed at being a practical tool for researchers when using Finnish sources on Namibia. This favours both Finnish and foreign users since the work has been compiled bilingually, in Finnish and English."
Martti Eirola
University of Joensuu
1985
PDF
English and Finnish
Namibian President Returns Home to Fordham
<div class="post-meta cf"><span class="posted-by">By<span> </span><span class="reviewer"><a title="Posts by Tom Stoelker" href="http://news.fordham.edu/author/tstoelker/">Tom Stoelker</a></span><span> </span></span><span class="posted-on">on<span> </span><span class="dtreviewed">September 23, 2015<span> </span></span></span><span class="cats"><a href="http://news.fordham.edu/university-news/">University News</a>,<span> </span><a href="http://news.fordham.edu/campus-locations/rose-hill/">Rose Hill</a></span></div>
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<div class="pf-content">“Fordham introduced me to African studies. I brought Africanism back with me to Africa from here. And I’ve been an Africanist since then.”Hage G. Geingob, PhD, FCRH ’70, president of the Republic of Namibia, returned home to Fordham to receive an honorary doctorate of humane letters at the Rose Hill campus on Sept. 22.
<p>“We welcome you back as a son of Fordham, but at the same time we hail you as the Father of Namibia,” said Joseph M. McShane, SJ, president of Fordham.</p>
<p>President Geingob arrived at Keating Hall with an entourage that included his wife, Monica Kalondo. Father McShane showed the president the granite step engraved with his name commemorating the occasion.</p>
<p>As the entourage made its way across Edwards Parade, students basking in the last day of summer sun took in the rare scene: a sovereign head of state, a first lady, the Secret Service, and members of the press casually strolling by.</p>
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<p class="wp-caption-text">Namiba President Hage Geingob. (Photos by Bruce Gilbert)</p>
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<p>The presentation ceremony took place at Tognino Hall. The ceremony’s faculty sponsor Booi Themeli, PhD, an associate professor of economics and director of the Ubuntu Program between Fordham and the University of Pretoria in South Africa, explained the intertwined histories of the two countries, which border one another.</p>
<p>“Namibia also went though apartheid and fought the liberation struggle,” he said. “Their independence was an inspiration to the struggle that we [in South Africa]were going through.”</p>
<p>It was his nation’s discriminatory policies in education under apartheid that spurred Geingob to seek schooling in the United States in the mid-1960s.</p>
<p>At the time Fordham had a burgeoning African and African-American studies program, born out of the United States’ own civil rights struggle. Geingob began studies at two colleges before a position at the U.N. brought him to New York, and finally to Fordham, where he finished his bachelor’s.</p>
<p>“I was complaining that they [other colleges]were just teaching me Greek history, Greek philosophy, and Greek literature—but I didn’t come for that,” he said. “Someone said to me, ‘You’re in the wrong place. Go to Fordham.’”</p>
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<p><em>Video by Matthew D. Ecker, FCRH ’13, and Bernard C. Moore, FCLC ’13</em></p>
<p>Under the tutelage of Tildon Lemelle, PhD, Geingob began to understand the continent.</p>
<p>“Fordham introduced me to African studies,” he said. “I brought Africanism back with me to Africa from here. And I’ve been an Africanist since then.”</p>
<p>Themeli, whose Ubuntu program brings students from South Africa to the University, said that the president was one of several students brought to Fordham from Africa during apartheid.</p>
<p>“Fordham was very involved then and is still involved,” he said.</p>
<p>Geingob said that in addition to the learning about Africa, he also was keen to observe American democracy at work. He said that protests of the late 1960s profoundly influenced him.</p>
<p>As part of the “New Africa” his nation is no longer a one-party system, he said, but a place where debate plays out: Systems are in place to make sure that each vote is counted.</p>
<p>“It’s one thing to fight to free the country; its another to govern the country,” he said. “What we’ve established is a democratic architecture. With electoral democracy there must be processes, systems, and institutions.”</p>
<p>As stability has taken hold in Namibia since it gained its independence in 1990, new challenges have come to the fore. But, he said, a developed sense of democracy has caused Namibians to take ownership of their government.</p>
<p>“They say ‘I will watch you if you don’t carry out what you say you will do,’” said Geingob. “With transparency and accountability there will be trust. This, I learned that from you.”</p>
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Tom Stoelker, Fordham University Press
http://news.fordham.edu/university-news/namibian-president-returns-home-to-fordham/
Fordham University Magazine
23-Sep-15
© 2015 Fordham University.
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English
Animal Husbandry of the Hottentots
In a controversial article from the 1930s, Epstein seeks to provide and agricultural and ecological history of the Nama of Southern Namibia, with emphasis on livestock.
H. Epstein
Onderstepoort Journal of Veterinary Science and Animal Industry, Vol. 9, No. 2. October 1937
1937
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English
The Relation of Nama and Dama Women to Hunting
Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika. Volume 7, no. 1 (1986): 329-349.
Sigrid Schmidt
Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika
1986
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English
Windhoek: Desegregation and Change in the Capital of South Africa's Erstwhile Colony
Homes Apart: South Africa's Segregated Cities, ed. Anthony Lemon (David Philip, 1991), 174-190.
David Simon
David Philip
1991
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English
Im Spannungsfeld von Globalisierung und Lokalisierung. Politische Dezentralisierung in Hoachanas, Namibia
"Demokratisierung und Dezentralisierung sind zentrale Ziele der gegenwärtigen Entwicklungspolitik. Namibia hat diese Zielsetzung aufgegriffen und zumindest formal umgesetzt. Die kritische politische und wissenschaftliche Diskussion entzündet sich vor allem an der Frage inwieweit auf der nationalen Ebene Demokratie tatsächlich verwirklicht ist. Dieser Beitrag nimmt dagegen die Wirkung von Demokratisierung und Dezentralisierung auf der lokalen Ebene in den Blick. Im Zentrum steht dabei die Siedlung Hoachanas im abgelegenen Süden Namibias. Hoachanas war weitgehend von der formalen Verwaltung Namibias abgeschnitten und unterstand einer traditionellen Autorität. Im Rahmen der Dezentralisierungspolitik sollte die Siedlung durch die Errichtung eines auf demokratischen Prinzipien beruhenden Gremiums in die nationalen Verwaltungstrukturen integriert werden. Dabei zeigt sich, dass die auf der nationalstaatlichen Ebene nach westlichen Vorbildern entwickelten Konzepte von Demokratisierung und Dezentralisierung im Prozess ihrer Umsetzung auf der lokalen Ebene umgearbeitet werden und im lokalen Kontext als Instrumente lokaler politischer Auseinandersetzung dienen. Dezentralsierung bewirkt in diesem Fall erst die wirksame Einbezieung von Hoachanas in das nationalstaatliche Verwaltungssystem und Demokratisierung eröffnet neue lokale politische Arenen."
Carolin Olivares-Canas
https://epub.uni-bayreuth.de/818/
Universität Bayreuth
2005
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English
THE RHENISH MISSION AND THE COLONIAL WAR IN GERMAN SOUTHWEST AFRICA
"Mission operations often found themselves in an ambiguous situation during a war of colonial conquest. On the one hand, the missionaries wanted to protect the people among whom they were working and keep the door open for the preaching of the gospel. On the other hand, they were expected to conform to the demands of the colonial authorities, and as nationals of the metropolitan power they might even welcome colonial rule from a purely selfish, nationalistic standpoint. An excellent example of this dilemma was that faced by the Rhenish or Rhine Mission in its field in Southwest Africa"
Richard V. Pierard
http://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/Resources/NAMP-CWC/PositionPapers101-155/139%20PIERARD.PDF
UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE FACULTY OF DIVINITY CENTRE FOR ADVANCED RELIGIOUS AND THEOLOGICAL STUDIES Currents in World Christianity
2000
© Richard V. Pierard, 2000
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English
The history of veterinary medicine in Namibia
Until the middle of the 19th century, very few references exist regarding the occurrence of animal diseases in Namibia. With the introduction of contagious bovine pleuropneumonia (CBPP) in 1859, this picture changed completely and livestock owners implemented various forms of disease control in an effort to contain the spread of this disease and minimise its devastating effects. After the establishment of the colonial administration in 1884, the first animal disease legislation was introduced in 1887 and the first veterinarian, Dr Wilhelm Rickmann, arrived in 1894. CBPP and the outbreak of rinderpest in 1897 necessitated a greatly expanded veterinary infrastructure and the first veterinary laboratory was erected at Gammams near Windhoek in 1897. To prevent the spread of rinderpest, a veterinary cordon line was established, which was the very beginning of the Veterinary Cordon Fence as it is known today. After the First World War, a small but dedicated corps of veterinarians again built up an efficient animal health service in the following decades, with veterinary private practice developing from the mid–1950s. The veterinary profession organised itself in 1947 in the form of a veterinary association and, in 1984, legislation was passed to regulate the veterinary profession by the establishment of the Veterinary Council of Namibia. The outbreak of foot and mouth disease in 1961 was instrumental in the creation of an effective veterinary service, meeting international veterinary standards of quality and performance which are still maintained today.
Herbert P. Schneider
http://www.jsava.co.za/index.php/jsava/article/view/4
Journal of the South African Veterinary Association
2012
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English
Nimet yhdistävät suomalaisia ja namibialaisia
"Miksi Namibiasta löytyy kymmeniä Marttoja ja Väinöjä? Mitä kaiman rooli merkitsee Ambomaalla? Minna Saarelma-Maunumaan tuoreessa väitöskirjassa tarkastellaan eurooppalaisen kulttuurin vaikutuksta namibialaisiin henkilönimiin. Suomen Lähetysseuran kustannusjohtaja, fil.tri Minna Saarelma-Maunumaa väitteli tämän vuoden maaliskuussa tohtoriksi namibialaisista henkilönnimistä. Tutkimuksen keskeisenä tavoitteena oli selvittää eurooppalaisen kulttuurivaikutuksen aiheuttamaa murrosta Namibian amboheimojen henkilönnimisysteemissä: Mitä perinteiselle afrikkalaiselle henkilönnimisysteemille tapahtuu, kun se joutuu kosketuksiin länsimaisen kulttuurin ja kristinuskon nimikäytäntöjen kanssa? Mitä toisesta nimisysteemistä omaksutaan ja missä muodossa? Millaisia vaiheita tässä prosessissa voidaan erottaa, ja mitkä sosiaaliset ja kulttuuriset tekijät niihin vaikuttavat? Väitöskirjan nimi on "Edhina ekogidho - Names as links: The encounter between African and European anthroponymic systems among the Ambo people in Namibia" (Edhina ekogidho - Nimet yhdistävät: Afrikkalaisen ja eurooppalaisen henkilönnimisysteemin kohtaaminen Namibian Ambomaalla). Se ilmestyy lokakuussa Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran kustantamana. Saarelma-Maunumaan tutkimus on luonteeltaan tieteidenvälinen, vaikka sen pääpaino onkin ambojen henkilönnimistön kielitieteellisessä tarkastelussa. Yhtymäkohtia on runsaasti etenkin antropologiaan (ambojen perinteisten nimikäytäntöjen selvittäminen) sekä kulttuuri- ja kirkkohistoriaan (Ambomaan kulttuurimurrokseen liittyvien tekijöiden analysoiminen). Keskeisenä tutkimusaineistona on Ambomaan kolmen luterilaisen seurakunnan - Elimin, Okahaon ja Oshigambon - kirkonkirjoista (1913-1993) poimittu 10 920 henkilön nimet kattava kastenimiaineisto. Tärkeitä lähteitä ovat myös suomalainen ja saksalainen lähetyskirjallisuus ja arkistomateriaali, samoin kuin Namibiassa ja Suomessa tehdyt haastattelut. Tutkimus kattaa ajanjakson 1800-luvun lopulta aina 1990-luvun lopulle asti. Ambojen henkilönnimisysteemi on tänä aikana käynyt läpi prosessin, joka on johtanut useiden perinteisten nimikäytäntöjen murtumiseen. Merkittävimpiä tekijöitä tässä murroksessa ovat olleet suomalainen luterilainen lähetystyö (Suomen Lähetysseura aloitti työn Ambomaalla vuonna 1870) sekä Saksan ja myöhemmin Etelä-Afrikan siirtomaavalta, samoin kuin maan vuosikymmeniä kestänyt itsenäistymistaistelu, joka johti vuonna 1990 Namibian itsenäistymiseen. Suomalaiset nimet omaksuttiin lähetystyöntekijöiltä Perinteisen nimisysteemin vallitessa ambolapselle annettiin pian syntymän jälkeen väliaikainen nimi, joka liittyi yleensä johonkin syntymähetken aikaiseen tapahtumaan (Mvula 'sade', Uukongo 'metsästys'). Muutaman viikon iässä lapsi sai isältään varsinaisen nimen. Nimi annettiin useimmiten jonkun sukulaisen tai ystävän mukaan, ja kaiman rooliin kuului huolehtia lapsesta monin tavoin. Varsinaisen nimensä ohella ambot käyttivät myös patronyymejä (isän nimeen perustuvia lisänimiä) sekä erilaisia lempinimiä. Ambojen henkilönnimistön murros käynnistyi varsinaisesti vuonna 1883, jolloin alueella toimitettiin ensimmäiset kasteet. Lähetystyön alkuaikoina ambot omaksuivat lähes yksinomaan raamatullisia ja eurooppalaisia kastenimiä. Varsinkin suomalaiset nimet olivat suosittuja, mikä selittyy pitkälti ambojen perinteisellä kaimakäytännöllä: lapset haluttiin nimetä suomalaisten kaimoiksi. Suosituimpia ambonaisten kastenimiä ovat olleet Selma, Maria, Martta, Hilma, Ester, Aina, Johanna, Loide, Helena ja Anna. Miesten kastenimistä suosituimpia ovat olleet Johannes, Petrus, Andreas, Paulus, David, Tomas, Mateus, Erastus, Simon ja Filemon. Suosittuja suomalaisnimiä ambomiehillä ovat olleet muiden muassa Armas, Eino, Heikki, Martti, Toivo ja Vaino (Väinö). Namibian itsenäisyystaistelun keskeisen hahmon Andimba ('jänis', aiemmin Herman) Toivo ya Toivon sukunimi merkitsee yksinkertaisesti Toivo Toivonpoikaa. Myös alun perin suomalaisia sukunimiä on Ambomaalla omaksuttu kastenimiksi, kuten Hynonen (Hynönen), Petaja (Petäjä) tai Rautanen. Nykyään noin joka viidennellä ambolla on suomalaislähtöinen etunimi. (Namibian väestöstä noin puolet on amboja.) 1950-luvulla, jolloin ajatus itsenäisestä Namibiasta alkoi kiehtoa amboja, afrikkalaiset nimet alkoivat tulla suosituiksi kasteniminä. Käytännöksi vakiintui pian kahden (tai useamman) nimen järjestelmä, jossa ensimmäinen kastenimi on raamatullinen tai eurooppalainen ja jälkimmäiset ambonimiä. Suosituimpia naisten ambokastenimiä ovat olleet Magano 'lahja', Ndinelago 'olen onnellinen', Ndapewa 'minulle on annettu', Nelago 'onni' ja Ndakulilwa 'olen lunastettu'. Miesten ambokastenimien kärjessä ovat taas Natangwe 'hän olkoon ylistetty', Panduleni 'kiittäkää', Tangeni 'kiittäkää', Elago 'onni' ja Ndeshipanda 'olen mieltynyt siihen'. Ambojen nimisysteemin murrokseen kuuluu myös patronyymien korvautuminen eurooppalaistyyppisillä periytyvillä sukunimillä. Ensimmäiset sukunimet otettiin Ambomaalla käyttöön 1950-luvun lopulla. Sukunimekseen ambot ovat yleensä valinneet jonkun esi-isänsä varsinaisen (yleensä afrikkalaisen) nimen tai lempinimen. Kahden erilaisen nimisysteemin kohtaaminen on Ambomaalla johtanut uuden nimisysteemin syntyyn, jossa on niin eurooppalaisia kuin afrikkalaisia elementtejä. Vaikka ambojen henkilönnimistö näyttää päältä katsoen varsin eurooppalaistuneelta, monet perinteiseen nimisysteemiin liittyneet tavat ovat edelleen käytössä, kuten tapa antaa lapselle väliaikainen nimi heti syntymän jälkeen. Myös kaiman rooli on ambokulttuurissa säilynyt vahvana. Ambojen henkilönnimistössä tapahtunut prosessi on ollut huomattavan nopea. Siirtyminen perinteisestä yhden nimen ja patronyymin systeemistä eurooppalaistyyppiseen useamman etunimen ja sukunimen systeemiin vei Ambomaalla vain noin sata vuotta. Keskiajan Euroopassa vastaavat nimimurrokset kestivät useita vuosisatoja. Tietoja väittelijästä: Minna Saarelma-Maunumaa on syntynyt vuonna 1960 Dar es Salaamissa Tansaniassa ja kirjoittanut ylioppilaaksi Tampereen normaalikoulusta vuonna 1979. Hän työskentelee kustannusjohtajana Suomen Lähetysseurassa. Yhteystiedot: p. työ (09) 129 7331, gsm 050-352 2068."
Minna Saarelma-Maunumaa
http://www.kotikielenseura.fi/virittaja/hakemistot/jutut/2003_258.pdf
Virittäjä, Vol 107, Nro 2 (2003)
2003
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Finnish
Southern Africa Report (vol. 7, no. 2)
Blowin' in the Windhoek -Namibia: A Class Act? -Land in Namibia: Rhetoric, Reform of Revolution? -Police Story: A Tough Transition
Chris Tapscott, Susan Brown, Colin Leys
Southern Africa Report
1991
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English
Addendum #1: South West Africa
Fairly partisan view of apartheid in Namibia, mid-1970s. Reads like one of the South West Africa Surveys
unclear
unclear
Likely 1974
unclear
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From Reserve to Homeland: South African Native Policy in Southern Namibia
The beginning of South African rule in present day Namibia marks a watershed in the country's history. The new developments initiated by a change in colonial rulers have generally been underestimated in existing literature.
Reinhart Kössler
Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit
1997
© NEPRU 1997
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Research Report
Constitution of the South West Africa People's Organization
SWAPO Constitution as adopted by the meeting of the Central Committee: 28 July - 1 August 1976, Lusaka Zambia.
SWAPO of Namibia
SWAPO Department of Publicity and Information, Lusaka
1976
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Political Document
Democratic Turnhalle Alliance/Demokratiese Turnhalle Alliansie Constitution
This document is the constitution for the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance.
Contents:
Membership of Democratic Turnhalle Alliance
Constitution
Constitutional Principals for SWA/Namibia
Constitutional Proposals for the Institution of Government
Economic Principles
Democratic Turnhalle Alliance
Printed by Multi-Servies Windhoek
Unclear, likely 1978 or 1977
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Political Document
The Basic Documents of SWANU (South West Africa National Union): Constitution of SWANU
The Revised Basic Documents of SWANU as approved by the Central Committee on 30 March 1985 and ratified by an all-branches consultative conference on 5-8 April 1985 in accordance with the resolution passed by the extra-ordinary national congress held on the 1st and 2nd September 1984.
South West Africa National Union (SWANU)
SWANU Dept. of Publicity and Information (Windhoek and London)
1985
Political Document
An Assessment of the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and its Implications for Namibia
The United States introduced the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) in 2000 with the intention of maximising trade between the US and sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries. Specifically, AGOA aimed at developing the textile industry in SSA countries as it has the potential to contribute positively to employment creation due to its labour intensiveness nature. Unlike other trade agreements that are bilateral, AGOA is a unilateral trade preference agreement decided upon by the United States and targeting SSA countries. AGOA accords the President of the United States the right to cease the status of a SSA country that does not meet the requirements set out in AGOA. Only eligible sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries that meet certain requirements outlined in the Act can benefit under AGOA. Under AGOA, certain goods from eligible SSA countries can enter the United States duty free and quota free. The introduction of AGOA led to increased trade between the USA and the SSA countries. However, the increase in trade was not experienced at the same level in all SSA countries and did not affect all goods equally. Trade statistics show that countries that experienced substantial growth in trade included Nigeria, Angola and South Africa, Gabon and Chad. Furthermore, products dominating trade between United States and SSA countries are natural resources and primary products. Overall, petroleum products account for more the 90 per cent of all African exports to the United States. In other SSA countries, AGOA led to the development of textile industries. Thus countries like Swaziland, Lesotho and Malawi experienced a substantial growth in their textile industries. Despite the significant growth experienced by the above-mentioned countries, total exports to the US from African countries are still dominated by petroleum products. In Namibia, products that dominate exports to the US are metals, minerals, textiles and apparel. The highest overall exports of US$ 238 219 million were recorded in 2004 and dropped significantly to US $129 557 million in 2005. The reduction in exports was also experienced in the textile industry in Namibia and in many SSA countries. For instance, many textile producing SSA countries experienced a decrease in their textile exports and subsequently company closures, which led to loss of thousands of jobs. In Namibia alone, about 1 600 jobs were lost when one of Ramatex’s subsidiaries (Rhino Garments) closed down in 2005. Namibia became a beneficiary country in 2001 and qualified for the ‘special rule’ provision on apparel articles which allows lesser developed SSA countries to source their raw materials from anywhere in the world. Only countries that had been classified as lesser-developed countries on the basis that their GDP per capita did not exceed $1500 could benefit from this provision. Before, 2001, Namibia did not have a developed textile and apparel industry but this changed with the introduction of AGOA coupled with many government concessions, which largely influenced the Ramatex company decision to invest in Namibia. Ramatex is by far the largest textile factory in Namibia and was expected to create about 8 000 jobs, a reason which was used to justify the concessions offered to Ramatex. Following retrenchments in 2005 and 2006, there are currently only 3 600 Namibian workers employed at Ramatex. Despite having increased workers wages in 2006 following lengthy negotiations and a strike, Ramatex workers are still among the lowest paid industrial workers in Namibia. Furthermore, since its inception, labour relations have been tense at the company with the lack of wage increases as the main source of conflict. This study revealed that there are internal and external challenges that face the success of AGOA in SSA countries. The internal challenges relate to the ability of companies to fully benefit under AGOA due to internal capacity constraints whilst external constraints are the end of the Multi Fibre Agreement (MFA) coupled with the attractions offered by China as an investment location.
Ntwala Mwilima and Herbert Jauch
Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI)
2007
© Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI)
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Chinese Investments in Namibia: A Labour Perspective
This study forms part of a broader 10-country case study on Chinese investments in Africa, coordinated and implemented by the African Labour Research Network (ALRN). African trade union leaders identified the topic as a priority area for the labour movement and the ALRN study thus aims to provide them with up-to date information on the impact of Chinese investments for African workers. In Namibia, the national congress of the National Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW) in 2006 passed a resolution asking the Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) to carry out a study into Chinese investments in Namibia, with particular emphasis on working conditions. We therefore decided to publish our study as a separate booklet for debate in Namibia and hope that it will provide a basis for a sober analysis of the costs and benefits associated with Chinese investments.
Herbert Jauch and Iipumbu Sakaria
Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI)
2009
© Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI)
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Service Station Workers in Namibia
The main objective of the study was to examine the working conditions of workers at service stations countrywide with a particular focus of exploring the possibility of introducing a minimum wage. Specifically the study aimed to: - Examine the working conditions of petrol attendants, including working hours, overtime pay, disciplinary procedures and dismissals; - Determine the wage levels of workers at service stations; - Explore regional differences with regards to wages and working conditions at service stations; - Assess the health and safety risks associated with work at service stations; - Assess the possibilities of introducing a minimum wage in the industry; - Examine the role played by the Association of Service Station Owners; - Investigate trade union recruitment at service stations; - Investigate ownership changes and economic trends at service stations; - Explore the relationship between oil companies and the individual owners of service stations.
Herbert Jauch and Ntwala Mwilima
Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI)
2008
© Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI)
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Playing the Globalisation Game: The Implications of Economic Liberalisation for Namibia
Namibia‟s investment policies are largely shaped by the process of globalisation and the neo-liberal line of thought which claims that developing countries have to attract investment by offering increasing concessions to foreign investors. This is reflected in the Government‟s policy on Export Processing Zones (EPZs). However, the manufacturing sector is still underdeveloped and Namibia continues to be a net exporter of capital. The figures for the last 5 years reveal that the foreign investment received is significantly lower than the capital leaving the country each year. Last year (2000),for example, Namibia received capital inflows of 795 million N$, but more than 2 billion N$ left the country. About two thirds of the foreign investment that Namibia receives goes into the capital-intensive mining sector without contributing significantly to employment creation. Unless this trend can be reversed, there is little prospect for the development of a significant manufacturing sector in Namibia.
Herbert Jauch
Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI)
2001
© Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI)
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