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                  <text>The Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) is a vibrant Namibian based research and education institute committed to the overall political and economic independence of all working people in Namibia and beyond. The institute fights for a fair, just social and economic Namibian society through labour research,education, and lobbying and advocacy. The institute believes that the nature and scope of labour research is informed by the struggles and experiences of the working people and consequently shaped by their values, principles and their world view. It is no doubt that labour is the primary source of value but many workers continue to be exploited and undervalued. LaRRI was therefore established in 1998 to seek answers to the existing economic and social order with a view to provide alternative developmental agenda in favour of the working class.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Unionization rates in Namibia are high. 30 trade unions grouped into two federations represent over 100,000 workers. Namibia has no minimum wage, but trade unions have managed to negotiate minimum wage agreements in both the agricultural and construction sectors. Despite some success in the traditional sectors, Namibian Unions still face many challenges, and will have to improve their recruitment strategies and organize their workers in non-traditional sectors. Unions need to develop effective strategies to influence socio-economic policies in favor of the workers and the poor that span beyond the workplace.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI offers a range of short and medium term courses for trade union leaders, organizers, and shopstewards in Namibia and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. Courses offered include: political economy, globalization, export processing zones (EPZs), structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) collective bargaining, affirmitive action, and gender issues. In addition, LaRRI offers an accredited labour diploma course, which is run in cooperation with the Workers College, the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, and the University of Namibia.&#13;
&#13;
Besides its research reports, LaRRI has published a range of seminar papers and articles for local and international publications. LaRRI has also produced popular booklets for trade unions, most of which are available on LaRRI’s website and the resource center. LaRRI is a founding member of the African Labour Research Network (ALRN), which carries out research projects for trade unions across Africa.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI continuously updates and expands its resource centre, which now contains a range of books and periodicals on various topics like trade unions in Namibia and the SADC region, industrial relations, gender equality, international trade unions, HIV/Aids, the Namibian economy, occupational health and safety, as well as UNDP and ILO publications. The resource centre serves as a library for trade unions, NGOs, students and the general public.&#13;
&#13;
The institute engages in public debate by organizing and being invited to public discussions, book presentations, lectures, and workshops. Media appearances are also frequent. Furthermore, the institute will expand its engagements by actively disseminating the ongoing initiatives through poster campaigns, periodic public gatherings with community members, cultural events, and social media.&#13;
&#13;
Organizing the unorganized. Re-defining ‘the working class’ in today’s context. Environmental justice. Mining, fishing, and farming; land-grab issues. Gender equality. Challenges confronting women workers and HIV-AIDS discrimination. Housing and urban rights. Access to housing and the right to the city. Youth and unemployment. Politics and oportunities for the youth. Foreign investment and neo-colonialism. Dispossession through trade agreements. Social protection and economic rights. Basic income grant and state spending.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>This report presents the key findings of a pilot research project on Asian migrant workers working at Ramatex, conducted from 31st August 04 to 4th October 2004. This pilot research was funded by the International Labor Rights Fund, and jointly facilitated by the Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) and the International Textile, Garment and Leather Workers Federation (ITGLWF).</text>
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                  <text>The Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) is a vibrant Namibian based research and education institute committed to the overall political and economic independence of all working people in Namibia and beyond. The institute fights for a fair, just social and economic Namibian society through labour research,education, and lobbying and advocacy. The institute believes that the nature and scope of labour research is informed by the struggles and experiences of the working people and consequently shaped by their values, principles and their world view. It is no doubt that labour is the primary source of value but many workers continue to be exploited and undervalued. LaRRI was therefore established in 1998 to seek answers to the existing economic and social order with a view to provide alternative developmental agenda in favour of the working class.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Unionization rates in Namibia are high. 30 trade unions grouped into two federations represent over 100,000 workers. Namibia has no minimum wage, but trade unions have managed to negotiate minimum wage agreements in both the agricultural and construction sectors. Despite some success in the traditional sectors, Namibian Unions still face many challenges, and will have to improve their recruitment strategies and organize their workers in non-traditional sectors. Unions need to develop effective strategies to influence socio-economic policies in favor of the workers and the poor that span beyond the workplace.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI offers a range of short and medium term courses for trade union leaders, organizers, and shopstewards in Namibia and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. Courses offered include: political economy, globalization, export processing zones (EPZs), structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) collective bargaining, affirmitive action, and gender issues. In addition, LaRRI offers an accredited labour diploma course, which is run in cooperation with the Workers College, the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, and the University of Namibia.&#13;
&#13;
Besides its research reports, LaRRI has published a range of seminar papers and articles for local and international publications. LaRRI has also produced popular booklets for trade unions, most of which are available on LaRRI’s website and the resource center. LaRRI is a founding member of the African Labour Research Network (ALRN), which carries out research projects for trade unions across Africa.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI continuously updates and expands its resource centre, which now contains a range of books and periodicals on various topics like trade unions in Namibia and the SADC region, industrial relations, gender equality, international trade unions, HIV/Aids, the Namibian economy, occupational health and safety, as well as UNDP and ILO publications. The resource centre serves as a library for trade unions, NGOs, students and the general public.&#13;
&#13;
The institute engages in public debate by organizing and being invited to public discussions, book presentations, lectures, and workshops. Media appearances are also frequent. Furthermore, the institute will expand its engagements by actively disseminating the ongoing initiatives through poster campaigns, periodic public gatherings with community members, cultural events, and social media.&#13;
&#13;
Organizing the unorganized. Re-defining ‘the working class’ in today’s context. Environmental justice. Mining, fishing, and farming; land-grab issues. Gender equality. Challenges confronting women workers and HIV-AIDS discrimination. Housing and urban rights. Access to housing and the right to the city. Youth and unemployment. Politics and oportunities for the youth. Foreign investment and neo-colonialism. Dispossession through trade agreements. Social protection and economic rights. Basic income grant and state spending.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>This booklet will not discuss all aspects in detail but will give a brief overview of Namibia's EPZ programme as well as a profile of the Ramatex Company. The main part of this booklet deals with the experiences of Ramatex workers. All too often their views are discarded by policy makers who simply argue that ‘workers should be grateful to have any job at all’. We believe that development must be a people-centred process that cannot ignore the views of those directly affected. We therefore hope that this booklet will contribute towards making the experiences of Ramatex workers known. This booklet will present their stories as they have told them. We also hope that this booklet will contribute to a debate about the costs and benefits of investments like Ramatex in terms of long-term sustainable development.</text>
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                  <text>The Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) is a vibrant Namibian based research and education institute committed to the overall political and economic independence of all working people in Namibia and beyond. The institute fights for a fair, just social and economic Namibian society through labour research,education, and lobbying and advocacy. The institute believes that the nature and scope of labour research is informed by the struggles and experiences of the working people and consequently shaped by their values, principles and their world view. It is no doubt that labour is the primary source of value but many workers continue to be exploited and undervalued. LaRRI was therefore established in 1998 to seek answers to the existing economic and social order with a view to provide alternative developmental agenda in favour of the working class.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
Unionization rates in Namibia are high. 30 trade unions grouped into two federations represent over 100,000 workers. Namibia has no minimum wage, but trade unions have managed to negotiate minimum wage agreements in both the agricultural and construction sectors. Despite some success in the traditional sectors, Namibian Unions still face many challenges, and will have to improve their recruitment strategies and organize their workers in non-traditional sectors. Unions need to develop effective strategies to influence socio-economic policies in favor of the workers and the poor that span beyond the workplace.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI offers a range of short and medium term courses for trade union leaders, organizers, and shopstewards in Namibia and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. Courses offered include: political economy, globalization, export processing zones (EPZs), structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) collective bargaining, affirmitive action, and gender issues. In addition, LaRRI offers an accredited labour diploma course, which is run in cooperation with the Workers College, the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, and the University of Namibia.&#13;
&#13;
Besides its research reports, LaRRI has published a range of seminar papers and articles for local and international publications. LaRRI has also produced popular booklets for trade unions, most of which are available on LaRRI’s website and the resource center. LaRRI is a founding member of the African Labour Research Network (ALRN), which carries out research projects for trade unions across Africa.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI continuously updates and expands its resource centre, which now contains a range of books and periodicals on various topics like trade unions in Namibia and the SADC region, industrial relations, gender equality, international trade unions, HIV/Aids, the Namibian economy, occupational health and safety, as well as UNDP and ILO publications. The resource centre serves as a library for trade unions, NGOs, students and the general public.&#13;
&#13;
The institute engages in public debate by organizing and being invited to public discussions, book presentations, lectures, and workshops. Media appearances are also frequent. Furthermore, the institute will expand its engagements by actively disseminating the ongoing initiatives through poster campaigns, periodic public gatherings with community members, cultural events, and social media.&#13;
&#13;
Organizing the unorganized. Re-defining ‘the working class’ in today’s context. Environmental justice. Mining, fishing, and farming; land-grab issues. Gender equality. Challenges confronting women workers and HIV-AIDS discrimination. Housing and urban rights. Access to housing and the right to the city. Youth and unemployment. Politics and oportunities for the youth. Foreign investment and neo-colonialism. Dispossession through trade agreements. Social protection and economic rights. Basic income grant and state spending.&#13;
&#13;
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                <text>The main aim of the study was to examine the possibilities for trade union intervention in the informal economy. A total of 488 interviews were conducted with operators and workers, as well as trade unionists and informal economy associations in order to ascertain the working conditions and possibilities for trade unions intervention. The study covered employment relations, working conditions, incomes, knowledge and membership of trade unions and informal economy associations. A literature review was conducted to help broaden the understanding of the nature of the informal economy.</text>
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                  <text>The Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI) is a vibrant Namibian based research and education institute committed to the overall political and economic independence of all working people in Namibia and beyond. The institute fights for a fair, just social and economic Namibian society through labour research,education, and lobbying and advocacy. The institute believes that the nature and scope of labour research is informed by the struggles and experiences of the working people and consequently shaped by their values, principles and their world view. It is no doubt that labour is the primary source of value but many workers continue to be exploited and undervalued. LaRRI was therefore established in 1998 to seek answers to the existing economic and social order with a view to provide alternative developmental agenda in favour of the working class.&#13;
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&#13;
Unionization rates in Namibia are high. 30 trade unions grouped into two federations represent over 100,000 workers. Namibia has no minimum wage, but trade unions have managed to negotiate minimum wage agreements in both the agricultural and construction sectors. Despite some success in the traditional sectors, Namibian Unions still face many challenges, and will have to improve their recruitment strategies and organize their workers in non-traditional sectors. Unions need to develop effective strategies to influence socio-economic policies in favor of the workers and the poor that span beyond the workplace.&#13;
&#13;
LaRRI offers a range of short and medium term courses for trade union leaders, organizers, and shopstewards in Namibia and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. Courses offered include: political economy, globalization, export processing zones (EPZs), structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) collective bargaining, affirmitive action, and gender issues. In addition, LaRRI offers an accredited labour diploma course, which is run in cooperation with the Workers College, the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, and the University of Namibia.&#13;
&#13;
Besides its research reports, LaRRI has published a range of seminar papers and articles for local and international publications. LaRRI has also produced popular booklets for trade unions, most of which are available on LaRRI’s website and the resource center. LaRRI is a founding member of the African Labour Research Network (ALRN), which carries out research projects for trade unions across Africa.&#13;
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&#13;
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&#13;
Organizing the unorganized. Re-defining ‘the working class’ in today’s context. Environmental justice. Mining, fishing, and farming; land-grab issues. Gender equality. Challenges confronting women workers and HIV-AIDS discrimination. Housing and urban rights. Access to housing and the right to the city. Youth and unemployment. Politics and oportunities for the youth. Foreign investment and neo-colonialism. Dispossession through trade agreements. Social protection and economic rights. Basic income grant and state spending.&#13;
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                <text>The increase in uranium mining projects will certainly lead to more employment opportunities for Namibia and for The Erongo region in particular and there will be potential inflow of migrants into Erongo. Based on conversations with some residents of Arandis a number of people have already moved into Arandis after The opening of The Langer Heinrich uranium mine and other exploration projects taking place in The area - The pressure on The provision of facilities and services such as housing,schools, and hospitals will increase. It is therefore expected that The national and regional government expect companies to assist in improving existing basic services and setting up additional infrastructures as part of The conditions for investment - on The other hand, despite its contribution to GDP, mining has short-term benefits, but long-term consequences - Our findings reveal that The negative effects on The health and social organization of The community of Arandis are already astonishing - Namibia therefore needs a clear strategy to evaluate The sustainability, ethics and responsibility of external investment in The extractive sectors. with The support of civil society and The community, The government should be able to develop The capacity to design appropriate strategies on how to deal with uranium as a mineral resource</text>
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                <text>Hilma Shindondola-Mote</text>
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                  <text>&lt;span&gt;The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is the oldest of Germany’s ‘political foundations‘ and committed to the basic values of social democracy and the labour movement. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;As a private, non-profit educational institution, ‘think tank’ and platform for political dialogue, its mission is to promote democracy, development, social justice and peace through capacity-building, policy research, public dialogue and international exchange.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;FES carries out its international activities through a network of currently about 100 offices world-wide, in combination with its headquarters in &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fes.de/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Berlin and Bonn/Germany&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt;and in close co-operation with its local and international partners. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fesnam.org/contact.html"&gt;The FES office in Namibia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; was established in 1989 on the eve of the Namibian independence. At present it is staffed with one expatriate and six local full-time employees. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Before 1989, i.e. during South African apartheid rule in the then South West Africa, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung had already supported in various ways those that struggled against white minority rule and for an independent and democratic Namibia. The establishment of an office was then just a logical step - based on requests by our political partners and motivated by the desire to firstly, support the transition to a non-racial multiparty-democracy and secondly, contribute to the transformation of the Namibian society into a prosperous and just society of equal rights, equal opportunities and a decent living for all.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The items in this collection are taken from open access publication on the LaRRI website. All rights are theirs. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Social Justice and the responsibility of the State: The Triple Burden of Poverty, Inequality and Unemployment in Southern Africa</text>
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                <text>Apart from presenting some interesting country case studies, these were the questions we tried to answer at the FES conference organised in February 2011 in Windhoek. Participants included representatives of governments and civil society from eight Southern African countries. In addition, various regional organisations dealing with social and economic issues participated as well. The case studies and new approaches were evaluated, focussing on their suitability for Southern Africa. The discussions brought up various fundamental questions about inequality, redistribution and social protection in Africa. Hence, this booklet is not a conference report but rather takes the deliberations as a starting point for general considerations and information on the topic. We hope to provide some thought-provoking ideas on redistribution, social protection and structural changes in Southern Africa and trust that this booklet will stimulate discussions on possible socio-economic and political changes in the region.</text>
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                <text>Herbert Jauch &amp; Phanuel Kaapama</text>
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                <text>© Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2011</text>
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                <text>http://www.fesnam.org/pdf/2011/publications/SocialJustice.pdf</text>
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                  <text>&lt;span&gt;The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is the oldest of Germany’s ‘political foundations‘ and committed to the basic values of social democracy and the labour movement. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;As a private, non-profit educational institution, ‘think tank’ and platform for political dialogue, its mission is to promote democracy, development, social justice and peace through capacity-building, policy research, public dialogue and international exchange.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;FES carries out its international activities through a network of currently about 100 offices world-wide, in combination with its headquarters in &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fes.de/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Berlin and Bonn/Germany&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt;and in close co-operation with its local and international partners. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fesnam.org/contact.html"&gt;The FES office in Namibia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; was established in 1989 on the eve of the Namibian independence. At present it is staffed with one expatriate and six local full-time employees. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Before 1989, i.e. during South African apartheid rule in the then South West Africa, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung had already supported in various ways those that struggled against white minority rule and for an independent and democratic Namibia. The establishment of an office was then just a logical step - based on requests by our political partners and motivated by the desire to firstly, support the transition to a non-racial multiparty-democracy and secondly, contribute to the transformation of the Namibian society into a prosperous and just society of equal rights, equal opportunities and a decent living for all.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The items in this collection are taken from open access publication on the LaRRI website. All rights are theirs. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>This report is part of a series of publications on the Basic Income Grant in Namibia. It reflects the results of the Pilot Project in Otjivero-Omitara in particular. This one year report attempts to give an overview over the new findings, and possible lessons for national implementation of a BIG in Namibia.</text>
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                <text>Claudia Haarmann, Dirk Haarmann, Herbert Jauch, Hilma Shindondola-Mote, Nicoli Nattrass, Ingrid van Niekerk and Michael Samson</text>
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                <text>Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, National Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW), Namibia NGO Forum, Labour Resource and Research Institute (LaRRI)</text>
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Implementation challenges for the SADC FTA: tariff and non-tariff barriers&#13;
Evengelista Mudzonga&#13;
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Preferential Rules of Origin in SADC: a general overview, and the state of play in recent negotiations&#13;
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Regional infrastructural and trade facilitation challenges in Eastern and Southern Africa: aid for trade solutions (North–South Corridor)&#13;
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Deeper regional integration: trade in services in SADC&#13;
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Looking East: disaggregating the role of China and India in SADC?&#13;
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                <text>In January 2008, a Basic Income Grant (BIG) pilot project began in the Otjivero-Omitara area 100 kilometres east of Windhoek. All residents below the age of 60 years receive a Basic Income Grant of N$100 per person per month, without any conditions being attached. The grant is being given to every person registered as living there in July 2007, whatever their social and economic status. This BIG pilot project is designed and implemented by the Namibian Basic Income Grant Coalition (established in 2004) and is the first universal cash-transfer pilot project in the world. The BIG Coalition thereby aims to practically pilot the Namibian Government's NAMTAX recommendation of a BIG for Namibia. Thus the BIG Coalition regards this project as the first step towards a BIG for all. The BIG Coalition consists of four big umbrella bodies in Namibia, namely, Council of Churches (CCN), the Namibian Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW), the Namibian NGO Forum (NANGOF) and the Namibian Network of AIDS Service Organisations (NANASO). Funds to start the pilot project were raised through voluntary contributions from supporters of the idea from all sections of Namibia's society, and by support from people, churches, organisations and donors in other countries. The BIG pilot project will run for a period of 24 months up to December 2009. The effects of the BIG pilot project are being evaluated on an ongoing basis. Four complementary methods are being used. First, a baseline survey was conducted in November 2007. Second, a panel survey is being conducted every six months, the first being in July 2008. Third, information is being gathered from key informants in the area. Fourth, a series of detailed case studies of individuals living in Otjivero-Omitara is being carried out. This is the report comparing the results of the baseline study and panel data after the first six months of implementation.</text>
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                <text>Since independence SWAPO Party has gone through a transition and transformation process, from a liberation movement to a political party. It is committed to the principle of a multi-party democracy and therefore to multi-partyism as enshrined in the Constitution. SWAPO Party is presently opposed in Parliament by some small, mostly ethnic based political parties. The most important one is presently the Congress of Democrats (COD) which was supported by 7.27% of the electorate during the 2004 National Assembly elections. COD is the only opposition party that can claim limited support throughout Namibia. In general, it can be said that due to a weak opposition there is no political counterweight of any relevance in Namibia. All political parties represented in the National Assembly take ideologically spoken a middle position in the political spectrum. Party political programmes of those parties represented in the National Assembly do not differ fundamentally from those of the SWAPO Party on most issues. The opposition parties are divided among themselves and from time to time split up into smaller groups.</text>
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                  <text>&lt;span&gt;The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is the oldest of Germany’s ‘political foundations‘ and committed to the basic values of social democracy and the labour movement. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;As a private, non-profit educational institution, ‘think tank’ and platform for political dialogue, its mission is to promote democracy, development, social justice and peace through capacity-building, policy research, public dialogue and international exchange.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;FES carries out its international activities through a network of currently about 100 offices world-wide, in combination with its headquarters in &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fes.de/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Berlin and Bonn/Germany&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt;and in close co-operation with its local and international partners. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fesnam.org/contact.html"&gt;The FES office in Namibia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; was established in 1989 on the eve of the Namibian independence. At present it is staffed with one expatriate and six local full-time employees. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Before 1989, i.e. during South African apartheid rule in the then South West Africa, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung had already supported in various ways those that struggled against white minority rule and for an independent and democratic Namibia. The establishment of an office was then just a logical step - based on requests by our political partners and motivated by the desire to firstly, support the transition to a non-racial multiparty-democracy and secondly, contribute to the transformation of the Namibian society into a prosperous and just society of equal rights, equal opportunities and a decent living for all.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The items in this collection are taken from open access publication on the LaRRI website. All rights are theirs. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Introduction&#13;
Hubert René Schillinger&#13;
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Keynote address: the policy dimensions of trade in the SADC region&#13;
Ben Turok&#13;
&#13;
Open versus developmental integration – what options for SADC?&#13;
Rok Ajulu&#13;
&#13;
Will SADC create a free trade area by 2008 and a customs union by 2010?&#13;
Christopher Mulaudzi&#13;
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The contribution of development finance institutions to SADC integration&#13;
Stuart Kufeni&#13;
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The effectiveness of institutional restructuring in SADC&#13;
Jonathan Mayuyuka Kaunda&#13;
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The Titanic is sinking! Progress with security co-operation in Southern Africa&#13;
Anthoni van Nieuwkerk&#13;
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                <text>Namibia’s experiences with Ramatex to date point to the urgent need to ensure (at the very least) compliance by foreign investors with Namibian laws, regulations, workers’ rights, as well as environmental, health and safety standards. Experiences elsewhere have shown that compromises on social, environmental and labour standards in the name of international competitiveness have led to a ‘race to the bottom’. The Namibian government as well as trade unions will have to demonstrate that they are serious in defending these rights that were only won through long and bitter struggles. It will be crucial to demonstrate to Ramatex that Namibian laws, regulations and rights are not negotiable. Otherwise, Ramatex will set an example for others to follow, resulting in the loss of some achievements made by Namibian workers since independence. in: Herbert Jauch / Rudolf Traub-Merz (Eds.) - The Future of the Textile and Clothing Industry in Sub-Saharan Africa (Bonn: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2006)</text>
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                <text>The TIPEEG results thus far do not provide reason for too much optimism and the programme is unlikely to reach the targeted 104 000 new (although mostly temporary) jobs. What then are possible options to create thousands of permanent, sustainable and decent jobs in Namibia in the coming years? Paper presented at a parliamentary forum hosted by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Windhoek on 6 March 2013</text>
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                  <text>&lt;span&gt;The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is the oldest of Germany’s ‘political foundations‘ and committed to the basic values of social democracy and the labour movement. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;As a private, non-profit educational institution, ‘think tank’ and platform for political dialogue, its mission is to promote democracy, development, social justice and peace through capacity-building, policy research, public dialogue and international exchange.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;FES carries out its international activities through a network of currently about 100 offices world-wide, in combination with its headquarters in &lt;/span&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fes.de/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Berlin and Bonn/Germany&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt;and in close co-operation with its local and international partners. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.fesnam.org/contact.html"&gt;The FES office in Namibia&lt;/a&gt;&lt;span&gt; was established in 1989 on the eve of the Namibian independence. At present it is staffed with one expatriate and six local full-time employees. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;span&gt;Before 1989, i.e. during South African apartheid rule in the then South West Africa, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung had already supported in various ways those that struggled against white minority rule and for an independent and democratic Namibia. The establishment of an office was then just a logical step - based on requests by our political partners and motivated by the desire to firstly, support the transition to a non-racial multiparty-democracy and secondly, contribute to the transformation of the Namibian society into a prosperous and just society of equal rights, equal opportunities and a decent living for all.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The items in this collection are taken from open access publication on the LaRRI website. All rights are theirs. &lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>This book had its genesis in two observations: that democratisation has been the major political trend in Southern Africa since the end of apartheid and the termination of the Cold War (albeit an uneven democratisation that in some cases has even been reversed); and, that like many regions or subregions, Southern Africa has embarked on a major project of multinational co-operation, including in the security field. These observations led to two questions, which is what this book is all about. The first was essentially about the relationship (if any) between the dynamics of democratisation and democratic practices (or lack of them) and national security perceptions and practices in Southern African states. The second was whether this has had any effect on approaches to the regional security project. We leave it to the reader to judge whether we have answered these questions, but a summary of the findings is attempted in the conclusion.</text>
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                <text>© Gavin Cawthra, Andre du Pisani, Abillah Omari, 2007</text>
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                  <text>&lt;blockquote&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In 2003 the Nordic Africa Institute initiated a project to identify archives in the Nordic countries, that cover documentation on anti-apartheid resistance and the liberation struggle in Southern Africa, mainly South Africa and Namibia, during 1960-1990. (Other countries are covered, see the information box in the right hand column.) Around this time, a large number of organisations in the Nordic countries e.g. government bodies, youth and church organisations, political parties and solidarity groups participated in the struggle. As a result, vast bilateral cooperation emerged and many well documented conferences and meetings were held in the Nordic countries and in Africa. Several visits to refugee camps in Africa and encounters with different leaders were also documented on videos, tapes and in pictures. Another result was this website that works as an reference source. It was launched on 24 April 2007. (&lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/"&gt;More about the website.&lt;/a&gt;)&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Organisations in &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/denmark/"&gt;Denmark&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/finland/"&gt;Finland&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/iceland/"&gt;Iceland&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/norway/"&gt;Norway &lt;/a&gt;and &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/sweden/"&gt;Sweden&lt;/a&gt; have localized, catalogued and organized archives on the liberation struggle. The &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/"&gt;archival lists&lt;/a&gt; are available in a database, found on this website, that has been created to make the materials known and easily accessible for researchers, students and others who are interested in this part of the world history.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The project was concluded in November 2009 with a &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/events/"&gt;workshop held in Pretoria, South Africa&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
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                  <text>Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, in partnership with: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Finnish Country Committee on Archives on Anti-Colonial Resistance and Liberation Struggle in Namibia&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SWAPO Party Archive &amp;amp; Research Centre&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The NGO Solidarity with Southern Africa (Sweden)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Tchiweka (Angola)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Aluka (South Africa &amp;amp; USA)</text>
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                <text>Finland's special characteristics as a Nordic, non-aligned welfare state gave it the resources and motivation to support liberation movements - in spite of restrictions arising from trade interests and a reluctance to jeopardise the country's neutral image. The study shows that, although it is not an easy task, in a democracy ordinary, dedicated people can, over time, influence political decision making at its most closed and guarded area, foreign politics.</text>
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&lt;p&gt;Organisations in &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/denmark/"&gt;Denmark&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/finland/"&gt;Finland&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/iceland/"&gt;Iceland&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/norway/"&gt;Norway &lt;/a&gt;and &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/sweden/"&gt;Sweden&lt;/a&gt; have localized, catalogued and organized archives on the liberation struggle. The &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/"&gt;archival lists&lt;/a&gt; are available in a database, found on this website, that has been created to make the materials known and easily accessible for researchers, students and others who are interested in this part of the world history.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The project was concluded in November 2009 with a &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/events/"&gt;workshop held in Pretoria, South Africa&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
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                  <text>Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, in partnership with: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Finnish Country Committee on Archives on Anti-Colonial Resistance and Liberation Struggle in Namibia&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SWAPO Party Archive &amp;amp; Research Centre&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The NGO Solidarity with Southern Africa (Sweden)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Tchiweka (Angola)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Aluka (South Africa &amp;amp; USA)</text>
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                <text>This book describes and documents the development of Danish support to national liberation in Southern Africa and the two-sided humanitarian and political character of this support. It is based on previously restricted Danish ministry records and on NGO archives and interviews.The Nordic countries were unique in the Western world in their support to individuals, organisations and refugees, struggling to end institutionalised colonialism and racism and alleviate their humanitarian consequences. Nordic support was humanitarian and civilian, and to a large extent was given to refugees and to education. Increasingly, it came to involve national liberation movements and financial support to their civilian activities, at a time when these movements were politically and militarily struggling against the regimes in their countries-including the government of Portugal, a NATO military partner of Norway and Denmark.Danish support developed differently from that of the other Nordic countries. Official support was never given directly to liberation movements. Rather, Danish NGOs were employed to advise on Danish allocations and to distribute these allocations and carry out activities, using their own capacity or through their international networks. In the field of sanctions, Denmark shifted from a policy of awaiting a UN Security Council decision to imposing unilateral trade sanctions as the first Western country to do so, and the book analyses the political developments behind this.The study seeks to determine the events, rationales, arguments and decisions that led to the various forms of Danish support. Key questions are how Danish support was established as a purely humanitarian facility that later developed into supporting also the liberation movements, and how boycott was first considered to be an issue for the individual but eventually became national, official policy. The study seeks to describe why support and sanctions developed in the way and at the pace they did. Major factors involved were Danish public awareness of developments in Southern Africa, domestic political debates and mobilisation through NGOs.This focus on processes of change has been necessary in a field of Danish foreign relations that during the course of the research was recognised as being a very wide as well as a very interesting one. As a new field of research, and with the majority of the sources never having been studied before, this study has an aim to provide a platform for other researchers, journalists and students. Hopefully it will inspire others to investigate the whole issue further-or to consider it in a different perspective.</text>
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&lt;p&gt;In 2003 the Nordic Africa Institute initiated a project to identify archives in the Nordic countries, that cover documentation on anti-apartheid resistance and the liberation struggle in Southern Africa, mainly South Africa and Namibia, during 1960-1990. (Other countries are covered, see the information box in the right hand column.) Around this time, a large number of organisations in the Nordic countries e.g. government bodies, youth and church organisations, political parties and solidarity groups participated in the struggle. As a result, vast bilateral cooperation emerged and many well documented conferences and meetings were held in the Nordic countries and in Africa. Several visits to refugee camps in Africa and encounters with different leaders were also documented on videos, tapes and in pictures. Another result was this website that works as an reference source. It was launched on 24 April 2007. (&lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/"&gt;More about the website.&lt;/a&gt;)&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Organisations in &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/denmark/"&gt;Denmark&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/finland/"&gt;Finland&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/iceland/"&gt;Iceland&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/norway/"&gt;Norway &lt;/a&gt;and &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/sweden/"&gt;Sweden&lt;/a&gt; have localized, catalogued and organized archives on the liberation struggle. The &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/"&gt;archival lists&lt;/a&gt; are available in a database, found on this website, that has been created to make the materials known and easily accessible for researchers, students and others who are interested in this part of the world history.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The project was concluded in November 2009 with a &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/events/"&gt;workshop held in Pretoria, South Africa&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
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                  <text>Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, in partnership with: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Finnish Country Committee on Archives on Anti-Colonial Resistance and Liberation Struggle in Namibia&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SWAPO Party Archive &amp;amp; Research Centre&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The NGO Solidarity with Southern Africa (Sweden)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Tchiweka (Angola)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Aluka (South Africa &amp;amp; USA)</text>
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                  <text>© Nordiska Afrikainstitutet</text>
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                <text>This book documents and analyses the involvement of Norway in the liberation struggle in Southern Africa. Apart from focussing on the formulation of official policies and the extensive cooperation with the liberation movements in the field of humanitarian assistance, mainly based on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs records, the study highlights the popular involvement and commitment to the struggle. Separate chapters are concerned with the churches, trade unions and solidarity movements, such as the Norwegian Council for Southern Africa and the Namibia Committee. The book also includes a case study on the battle for sanctions.The Study forms part of the Nordic Africa Institute's research and documentation project "National Liberation in Southern Africa: The Role of the Nordic Countries".</text>
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                <text>© Nordiska Afrikainstitutet</text>
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&lt;p&gt;In 2003 the Nordic Africa Institute initiated a project to identify archives in the Nordic countries, that cover documentation on anti-apartheid resistance and the liberation struggle in Southern Africa, mainly South Africa and Namibia, during 1960-1990. (Other countries are covered, see the information box in the right hand column.) Around this time, a large number of organisations in the Nordic countries e.g. government bodies, youth and church organisations, political parties and solidarity groups participated in the struggle. As a result, vast bilateral cooperation emerged and many well documented conferences and meetings were held in the Nordic countries and in Africa. Several visits to refugee camps in Africa and encounters with different leaders were also documented on videos, tapes and in pictures. Another result was this website that works as an reference source. It was launched on 24 April 2007. (&lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/"&gt;More about the website.&lt;/a&gt;)&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Organisations in &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/denmark/"&gt;Denmark&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/finland/"&gt;Finland&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/iceland/"&gt;Iceland&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/norway/"&gt;Norway &lt;/a&gt;and &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/sweden/"&gt;Sweden&lt;/a&gt; have localized, catalogued and organized archives on the liberation struggle. The &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/archives/"&gt;archival lists&lt;/a&gt; are available in a database, found on this website, that has been created to make the materials known and easily accessible for researchers, students and others who are interested in this part of the world history.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The project was concluded in November 2009 with a &lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/events/"&gt;workshop held in Pretoria, South Africa&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
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                  <text>Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, in partnership with: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Finnish Country Committee on Archives on Anti-Colonial Resistance and Liberation Struggle in Namibia&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SWAPO Party Archive &amp;amp; Research Centre&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The NGO Solidarity with Southern Africa (Sweden)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Tchiweka (Angola)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Aluka (South Africa &amp;amp; USA)</text>
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                  <text>© Nordiska Afrikainstitutet</text>
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                <text>Sweden’s and the other Nordic countries’ support for the national liberation process and struggle against apartheid was unique in the international context both in regard to the size of the financial support and the extensive popular involvement. This book attempts to document the involvement of Sweden in the Southern African struggles against colonialism, occupation and white minority rule. While Volume I set out to identify the actors and factors behind the involvement, the aim of the present volume is to illustrate the Swedish participation. The focus of this study is on official assistance to the national liberation movements but the important role played by the organized Swedish solidarity movement and other non-governmental organizations also forms part of the narration. The study also attempts to contribute to a broader understanding of the international aspects of the Thirty Years’ War in the region, a significant chapter in the quest for national self-determination, democracy and human rights towards the end of the troubled 20th century. Primarily written for the general reader interested in relations between Sweden and the Southern African liberation movements, the presentation should also provide material and theoretical enquiries with regard to, for example, Swedish foreign policy in the cold war era; regional developments in a bipolar world; and the diplomatic initiatives, political alliances and material conditions of the different movements. This book is a part of the Nordic Africa Institute’s Research Project National Liberation in Southern Africa. The Role of the Nordic Countries. The result of the project is a unique documentation, mainly drawing on hitherto restricted official primary sources. This book, together with the other studies published within the project, forms a valuable reference source for everyone interested in the 20th century history of Southern Africa in particular or North/South and international relations in general. Part 1: Formation of a popular opinion (1950-1970) Part 2: Solidarity and Assistance 1970–1994</text>
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                <text>Tor Sellström (ed.)</text>
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                <text>© Nordiska Afrikainstitutet</text>
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                <text>Sweden’s and the other Nordic countries’ support for the national liberation process and struggle against apartheid was unique in the international context both in regard to the size of the financial support and the extensive popular involvement. This book attempts to document the involvement of Sweden in the Southern African struggles against colonialism, occupation and white minority rule. While Volume I set out to identify the actors and factors behind the involvement, the aim of the present volume is to illustrate the Swedish participation. The focus of this study is on official assistance to the national liberation movements but the important role played by the organized Swedish solidarity movement and other non-governmental organizations also forms part of the narration. The study also attempts to contribute to a broader understanding of the international aspects of the Thirty Years’ War in the region, a significant chapter in the quest for national self-determination, democracy and human rights towards the end of the troubled 20th century. Primarily written for the general reader interested in relations between Sweden and the Southern African liberation movements, the presentation should also provide material and theoretical enquiries with regard to, for example, Swedish foreign policy in the cold war era; regional developments in a bipolar world; and the diplomatic initiatives, political alliances and material conditions of the different movements. This book is a part of the Nordic Africa Institute’s Research Project National Liberation in Southern Africa. The Role of the Nordic Countries. The result of the project is a unique documentation, mainly drawing on hitherto restricted official primary sources. This book, together with the other studies published within the project, forms a valuable reference source for everyone interested in the 20th century history of Southern Africa in particular or North/South and international relations in general. Part 1: Formation of a popular opinion (1950-1970) Part 2: Solidarity and Assistance 1970–1994</text>
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                  <text>Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, in partnership with: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Finnish Country Committee on Archives on Anti-Colonial Resistance and Liberation Struggle in Namibia&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SWAPO Party Archive &amp;amp; Research Centre&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The NGO Solidarity with Southern Africa (Sweden)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Tchiweka (Angola)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Aluka (South Africa &amp;amp; USA)</text>
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                  <text>&lt;a href="http://www.liberationafrica.se/"&gt;http://www.liberationafrica.se/&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                  <text>© Nordiska Afrikainstitutet</text>
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                <text>Documenting Liberation Struggles in Southern Africa</text>
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                <text>This publication brings together a number of the ‘thinkpieces’ prepared for a workshop convened by the Nordic Africa Institute in Pretoria, South Africa, on 26–27 November, 2009. The workshop marked the end of the Institute’s Documentation Project on Liberation Struggles in Southern Africa. Leading scholars, researchers and others, from both the Nordic countries and southern Africa, concerned with documenting those struggles, attended the workshop. The papers included here concern both the history of those struggles and the sources for that history.</text>
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                <text>© Nordiska Afrikainstitutet</text>
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